THE
Punjab Oriental (Sanskrit) Series
OR
A COLLECTION OF RARE & UNPUBLISHED
BOOKS RELATING TO ANCIENT
INDIA
EDITED BY
THE WELL-KNOWN &EMINENTSCHOLARS
OF
INDIA, EUROPE and AMERICA
No, 1 6.
LAHORE (INDIA)
THE PUNJAB SANSKRIT BOOK DEPOT
1927.
ANCIENT INDIAN COLONIES
In the
FAR EAST.
Vol. I.
CHAMPA.
BY
Dr. R. C. Majumdar M. A.9 Ph. D.
Professor, Dacca University. Member of the Academic Cou-
ncil Greater India'Society. Author of "Corporate Life
in Ancient India," "Outline of Ancient Indian History
and Civilisation," "Gurjara-Pratlh&ras," "Early His-
tory of Bengal/, etc. etc. Premchand Roychand
Scholar, Griffith Prizeman, Mouat Gold
Medallist etc. etc.
Greater India Society Publication,
No. I.
The Punjab Sanskrit Book Depot
LAHORE
1927.
LAL BA.NAESI DAS,
Punjab Sanskrit Book Depot
8AID1OTHA STREST,
LAHORE.
(All Right* Reserved).
1927.
FEINTED BT
DUBGADASS
Manager,
The Bombay Sanskrit Press,
•AXDMJTHA 8TBMT,
LAHORE.
To
The French Savants
whose labours have opened
a new and glorious chapter
Of the
ancient history and civilisation of India
this volume is dedicated
in token of
respect, admiration and gratitude
of the
author.
ABB.BE.m-TIQ.N3;
B E. F. — Bulletin Da I/ Boole Francaise D9 Extreme-
Orient.
Corpus — Collection of Sanskrit Inscriptions of Champa by
A. Bergaigne published as " Notices E$ E^traite
dea Manuf-cripts de la Bibliot^que Nationale etc.
Tom 3 Vingt-Septierae
(1-cr partie 2-e Fafcicula)
J. A. — Journal Aelatiqe,
J. A. S. B. (N, S.).— Journal of the Asiatic Society of
Bengal ( New series )
Farm. — Parmentier.
Farm. I. C. — Inventaire Descriptif des Monu^nts Cams
de L* Annam Par. H. Parmeotier.
The system followed in ib* Journal ol the Royal Asiatic
Society of Great Britain and Ireland has been adopted in this
volume, with the exception, that the nama of the kingdom
has been written as "Champa" instead of 4M3anip&"
As the press does not contain accents types for the nates,
the notes ara printed without them. Some diacritical wgna
IQT writing French words are also wanting in UK press.
Table of Contents.
BOOK L
Page
Chapter L The Land 3
„ II. The Chains and the foundation
of the kingdom of Champ* 11
III. Early Hindu Dynasties 21
„ IV, The Dynasty of Gabgftrftja 35
V. The Dynasty of P&ndurang* 49
„ VI The Bhrgu Dynasty 56
„ VIL The Annamite Invasions 68
„ VIIL Decline of Champ4 77
„ IX. Dynasty of Harivarman 84
» X. War with Cambodge 93
„ XL The Cambodian, Mongol and Annamite
Invasions. 106
„ XIL The Annamite Conquest of Champ& 127
M XIIL Administrative System 1*8
„ XIV. The King 155
BOOK II
Chapter L Religions Evolution in Champ* 167
,» II The Conception of &va 170
IIL Th« Worship of &va 177
„ IV. ^aivagods 187
V Vaiahuavism
VI Bmhmi and the Hindu Trinity
VIL The Minor Deities of the Hindu Pantheon 200
VIIL Buddhism
IX. Society
„ X. Architecture and Sculptor*
Preface.
The story of Greater India is bouixl to b3 of absorbing
interest, not only to every student of history, bat also to all
educated people in this country. The Indian colonies in the
Far East must ever remain as the high- water mark of mari*
time and colonial enterprise of the ancient Indians. But al-
though an extensive literature in French has grown up on thia
subject, hardly anything has yet been written in English.
This alone accounts for the comparative apathy and ignorance
in this matter which is generally noticed in this country.
No apology is therefore needed for bringing out this volu-
me dealing with one of the many colonial kingdoms which the
Indians had established in the Far East. It is intended to
be the first of a series of volumes dealing with the whole sub-
ject. But when, if at all, the other volumes will see the light
of day is more than I can tell. The present volume was taken
in hand more than four years ago, but a variety of diffictilties-
the space of 1300 miles between the author and the printing
press being by no means the least of them — have considerably
delayed its publication. As at present planned, the second
volume, dealing with Cambodge, will be published before the
end of 1929, and the remaining two or three volumes, dealing
with Siam, Sumatra, Java, Bali and other colonial kingdoms
will not probably be delayed beyond 1931.
Champa has been selected as the sub ject of the first volume,
partly because it is the remotest colony in the East, and partly
because it is less known than Cambodge and Java on which
general attention has been focuesed on account ol the
famous monuments of Angkor Vat and Boro-budur.
The authorities on which this volume is based have teen
fully discuss**! in the Introduction. I have derived the great-
est help from Maspero*s (<Le Eoyaumedu Champa1'. This book
must always remain the chief source and constant guide to anyone
torho tries to write a history of Champa. But the discovery of
a number of new inscriptions since the publication of that book
has made it obsolete and incomplete in many places. While,
therefore, Maspero's work has been accepted as the chief guide,
considerable deviations from it will be noticed in the present
volume.
Besides, Maspero deals mainly with the political history
of Champa, though in the early portion of hi« book he has
given a brief resume of religion, administrative system, social
and economic conditions, and art and architecture of Champa.
An attempt has been made in the present volume to discuss all
these branches of history and civilisation of Champa as adequa-
tely as is possible under the present conditions.
Similarly, Par men tier's monumental work on the art
and architecture of Champa has been my chief guide in writing
Chapter X of Book II. But while I have taken the data from
that book, I have interpreted them in my own way, and ventu-
red to express a different opinion on the all-important question
of the origin of Cham art.
I take this opportunity of expressing my deep obligations
to the authorities of "Ecole Francaise D' Extreme-Orient" for
kind permission to reproduce illustrations contained in this
volume.
A special feature of this volume is the collection of inscriptions
discovered in Cham pft. Although all these inscriptions have been
separately published before, this is the first complete collection
of all the known inscriptions, arranged in chronological order.
Although I have accepted the published readings, I have made
an independent translation of all the inscriptions and have not
( w )
as a rule referred to thtold FmnA renderings save in a very
few instances. lam indebted to my Jriwda aad colleagues
Dr. S. K. Be and Pandit Nan&ppal Ifo^i, fa some
suggestions in this matter.
No one is more OQj*80u*is thaa Imytelf of t
comuigs of the work. My imperfect acquamt&oc* with Sans-
krit and French ha%» made the task of writing this volume a
painful and laborious oae, and I dare not hope that I have
been able to avoid serious mistakes and errors. But I do hope
that my indulgent readers will look kindly on this pioneer
work. If this humble production arouses a general interest
in this country towards this fascinating field of artudy, and in-
ducea others, better equipped for the task, to take up the work,
I shall consider my labours amply rewarded.
> M*jttindar.
3rd March, 1927. r '
INTRODUCTION.
Although the study of Ancient Indian history has made a
great deal of progress in recent years, there is one aspect of
the subject which has not yet received the attention it deser-
ves. This is the expansion of the Aryans beyond Indian fron-
tiers towards the east and * south-east. The history of Indo-
Aryans usually begins with their settlement in the Punjab and
ends with their expansion over the whole of India as far as
Assam in the east and cape Comorin in the south. This is, how-
ever, an arbitrary line of distinction for which there does not
seem to be any great justification. For the Aryans never re-
garded the hills or the sea by which India proper is bounded
as tho natural limits of their advance, and they boldly crossed
over these to new regions on the other side. Their achieve-
ments in these regions are but vaguely known, but the more
one thinks on this subject the more is one forced to realise that
the Indianisation of these countries was probably as complete
in the ancient period as we find in the Dravidiau countries
within the frontier of India. The study of Indian civilisation
must therefore be regarded as imperfect so long as we do not
take into proper account the achievements of Indians in these
regions.
Until recently, however, our knowledge of this subject
was limited in the extreme. Indian literature, no doubt, clear-
ly shows that there was an intimate intercourse between India
and the Far East1 in ancient times, but it does not tell us much
1. Among important passages bearing upon this subject the
following may be mentioned as specimens.
(A) A passage in Eainayana referring to Yavadvipa and
Suvarnadvipa, meaning the islands of Sumatra and
Java.
(B) The well-known passage in Mahavamsa referring to
regarding the activity of Indian colonists settled there. The
writings of Ptolemy and Fa-Hien, also, while bearing ample
testimony to the firm hold of Indian civilisation in those coun-
tries, have not preserved any detailed account of the colonial
history of India. Such an account has been rendered possible
jnly in comparatively recent times, when the colonies them-
selves have been made to yield up their rich antiquarian
treasures, th&nks to the untiring efforts of the savants of
France.
The first serious attempt to study the geography, history
and civilisation of the Far East was made by Christian mis-
sionaries of Europe as far back as the early seventeenth cen-
tury. The most memorable scholarly work of this period
was the "Dictionnaireannamite-latii)-portugai8"by P. Alexan-
dre de Rhodes, published in 1651. This monumental work
has served as the basis of all future research and placed it on
a secure foundation. The same author published in the fol-
lowing year a history of Tonkin in Latin. Similar works
continued to appear from time to time but it was not till two
centuries later that a beginning was made of an archaeologi-
cal investigation in Indo-Ohina. In 1858 Henri Mouhot ex-
plored the valley of the Mekhong as far as the country of
Laos between Korat and Luang- prabang. Although a natur-
tilist, Mouhot was attracted by the beauties of Angkor Vat and
other monuments of antiquity and his rapturous description
made them known for the first time to the outside world.
the conquest of Ceylon by prince Vijaya,
(C) The following sentence in Milindapauha (English
Translation II 269).
"As a shipowner will be. ..able to traverte the
high seas and go to Vanga or Takkola, or China, or
Sovira, or Surat or Alexandria or the Koromandel
coast or Further India ,."
^ resulted in
of e^ptoaUoa in 1885 ander Doadart felogree,
flkTchaeologiat The raisaioa included *nfth «rd*Bt
Francis G*roier and DdJaporte, This miseion
reooguiaad for the first time the importance ol inscriptions
*ud jQopisd some of them.
The work of this mission was continued by individual
ttshoiara like Garniar, Delaporteand Dr. Harmand. Then came
Aymonier, who began in 1882 his memorable exploration of
Garabodge, Laos and Annam. and collected a vast store of
materials for the history of these countries. The last impor-
tant mission was that of M. Pavie, with 40 collaborators,
which worked for 15 years from 1879 to 1895. One of the
notable results of this mission was the preparation of a relia-
ble map of Indo- China.
After a general knowledge of Indo-China had thus been
secured, the task of special studies was taken up by special
Departments. There originated in this way special Depart-
ments for the study of geography, geology and natural his-
tory of the couofcry. The historical studies devolved upon a
permanent archaeological society which soon took the name of
1 Ecole Francaise d Extreme Orient*. With the foundation of
this society in 1898 the historical studies and archaeological
explorations have been placed on a firm foundation, and the
results of these stulies, regularly published in the form of
Bulletins, have made accessible to the outside world avast store
of information on the history and civilisation of Indo-China,
Prom this very rapid and brief survey of the
scholarly work in Indo-China we may now turn to a more
detailed reference to the important and authoritative works
with regard to the history of the ancient kingdom of Champa
on which the present volume is based.
( vii )
The chief sourees of information t^egardmg the history
and civilisation of ancient Champa may be classified under
three heads.
I Inscriptions.
II Monuments.
Ill Chinese texts and other foreign sources.
I. INSCRIPTIONS.1
The first important collection of Sanskrit inscriptions of
Champft was prepared by Abel Bergaigne in 1888, and publi-
shed, after his death, by Earth in 1893.* A large number of
inscriptions written in Cham were edited by M. Aymonier in
J. A. 1891 ( pp 5 ff. ). Since the foundation of the Eoole Fran-
caise de Extreme Orient, a large number of new inscriptions
have been published in its Bulletins, the most important
being: —
(1). (A) Myson, (B) P&nduranga and (C) Quang Nam
Inscriptions by L. Finot.
(A) B. E. F., Vol. II, pp. 185 ff ; Vol. Ill, 206 ff;
Vol. IV, pp. 917 ff.
(B) Vol. Ill pp. 630 ff.
(C) Vol. IV. pp. 83 ff.
(2). A collection of miscellaneous inscriptions by M. Hu-
ber ( B. E. F. Vol. XI, pp. 5 ff, pp. 260 ff )
and L. Finot ( B. E. F. Vol. IX, pp. 205 ff ; Vol.
XV. No. 2 pp. 1 ff. ).
1. For a detailed bibliography of the epigraphic studies in
Indo-China— cf. B. E. F. Vol. XV. No. 2— pp 113 ff ; also
Toungf Pao 1910, pp. 126 ff.
2. Notices et Extraita des Manuscripts de la Bibliotheque Na-
tionale et autres Bibliotheques pub lie par Lf Institut natio-
nal de France, — Tome Vingt — Scptieme (1-er Partie), 2-«
fascicule. Paris 1893.
( viii )
Ifefltioa must be made in this connection to the very va-
list of inaoriptions prepared by M. George Coedes (B. E.
R Vol VIII pp. 40 ff ; Vol. XV. No. 2 pp. 173 if).
All the inscriptions of Champa hitherto known1 have been
collected at the end of this volume, with full bibliographical
notes, and hance it is not necessary to dwell on this topic any
further.
II. As regards the study of archaeological monuments all pre-
vious works on this subject have been superseded by the monu-
mental work of M. Parmentier, viz. Inveutaire Descriptif des
Monuments Cams vols. I and IL1 In this book M. Parmentier
has made a systsmatic study of all the existing monuments in
Champa and fully illustrated them by pictures and plates.
The descriptive catalogue of sculptures in the Touranne
Museum (B. E. F. Vol. XIX. No. 3 , pp. 1-114) and the archaeo-
logical notes (B. E. F. Vol. XXIII, pp 267 ff) published by
the same author, may be regarded as supplements to this
famous work. Reference may also be made in this connection
to Ars Asiatica Vol. IV which contains a set of good illustra-
tions of sculptures.
III. As to the Chinese texts bearing upon the history of Cha-
mpa, they were first discussed by P. Gaubil3 and Deguignes4.
1. A few inscriptions have been excluded, e.g. those which are
very modern and fall beyond the scope of this study, those
whieh are too fragmentary to yield any sense and those
which have been casually referred to, but the text or even a
purport of which has not been pu ishod.
2. Vol. I. appeared in 1909 and volume II in 1918. Both these
are publications of Bcole Francaise d' Extreme orient,
3. Gaubil's 'Notice historique sur la Cocaine hizte' was origi-
nally published in the 18th century and later on included in
"L* Histoire generate de la Chine" by Pde Mailla.
4« 4'L* Histoire generate des Buns" Tome 1, 1-er par tie p.
172-173.
The mora important workers in this line are Pelliot, Maspero
and L. Atirousseau. Pelliot collected valuable data in his
learned article "Deux Itineraires de Chine en Inde1" and drew
up a list of Cham kings mentioned in Chinese sources,* Mas-
pero made for the first time an elaborate and systematic study
of all the Chinese texts bearing upon the history of Champfi,.1
Last of all L. Aurousseau has considerably extended our know-
ledge by his learned contributions on this subject.4
Some valuable informations on the history of Champa are
furnished by Annamite documents. In this field, again, Mas-
pero has collected very valuable data although he was prece-
ded by a number of writers on this subject.5
References to Champa are also contained in Cambodge
inscriptions. Bibliographical referenc38 to them will be found
in the body of the text.
1. B. E. F. Vol. IV. pp. 131-413.
2. Ibid pp. 382 ff.
3. The data he collected were utilised in his History of Champa
(see f. n. 2 p. 7 below).
4. B. E. F. Vol. XIV. No. 9. pp. 8-43 ,• Vol. XXllI pp 137-204.
5. (1) Bouillevanx — L' Annam et le Cambodge — .
(2) Bonillesraux — Lo Ciampa (Annales de Extreme Orient
1880, 1881).
(3) P. J. B. Trn'ong VinhKy-Cours d Histoire Annainite;
2 vols. Saigon 1875
(4) E. Luro-Le Pays d' Annam ; Paris 1878.
(5) L Abbe Adr. Laiinay. Histoire Ancienne et Moderne de
1' Annam etc. (Paris 1884).
(6) Abel des Michels-Les Annales Imperiales de 1' Annam;
Paris 1889.
(7) Camille Sainson-Memoires stir 1' Annam, Peking 1896.
(8) Legrande la Liraye-Notices Historiqnes sur la Nation
Anuamite, Saigon, 1860.
•* So far about the original sources of information, and we
may now turn to the modern texts dealing with the history
of Champa. As early as 1888 Bergaigns published a short
account of the political history of Champa, mainly on the basis
of Inscriptions.1 Five years later Aymoniar read his " His-
tory of Tchampa" before the Ninth International Congress of
Orientalistes held in London. Both these were superseded
by the monumental work of Maspero — " Le Royaume de
Champa"2 which must remain as the standard authority on
this subject for somefcimo to come.
Some contributions on the study of religion, manners and
customs of Champa may b-3 mentioned in this connection.
The earliest publication on this subject seems to ba an article
by Ayrnonior.3 Finot also contributed an important article on
this subject.4 A very short account of the political, social
and religious history of Champa as well as a brief review of
Cham art are contained in Joanne L^uba's "Les Chams et leur
art" Paris (1923) which reached my hands after the present
volume had been sent to ths Press. The chief interest of this
book as well as of Antoine Cabaton'a "Nouvelles Recherches
Sur lesi Chams (Paris, 1901 )" and Ayraonier's article referred
to above, sterna to lie in the light which thry throw on tli3
social customs and religious practices of the modern Chains.
By a proper utilisation of all th \S3 s mrc^s, both primary
and secondary, I hava tried to build up a picture of th? ancient
1. L' anei«nfc royaume de Champa uruis 1' Indo-Cliine d' apres
les inscriptions — J. A 1833 [pp OS -70].
2. This wns originally puLlishod in T'onnjj Pao [10:0-1913] and
later on as a separate book at Loyden in 1914
3. "Les Tchumes et lears religions" in "Rovucs do T histoiro
d^s religions, 18131,"
4 La Religion doB Chams (V apres lor, monuments etc. B. E. F.
Vol. I, p 12.
history and civilieatipn oi ClMimpA, one of tha m*ny. kingdoms
founded by the Hindus in that far-off region. I propoe$ to
write the history of the other colonial kingdoms as weU, in,
or4er to complete the stpry of Greater ludia. But tm these
might yet take a long time, I propo«|e :to disease Ue$e(
briefly two important questions of a general nature
affect the study of Indian colonisation in the Far East, These
are: (I) the part or parts of India from which Indian colonist*
proceeded to the Far East an4 the route which they followed;
and (II) an approximate idea of the time when these colonial
enterprises were first undertaken,
I. As to the routes, the Aryans seem to have proceeded
both by land and sea. Regarding the sea-routet ther,e seems to
h^ye been emigration both from eastern as well as the western,
coast. From a very early period there was a regular trade
intercourse between the coast of Bengal and the Far East. In
the Mahajanaka Jataka reference is made to voyages between
Champa and Suvanuabhumi. Similarly passengers from dis-
tant inland cities like Patna and Benares travelled to the
coast of Bengal by land or by water, and then sailed in open
sea for eastern islands, Tamralipti ( modern Tamluk ) being
the most important sea-port.1
There was a similar trade-route between the Kalinga-toast
and the Far East. This is referred to by Ptolemy. The ships
started from Gopalpur, just a little below the mouth of the
Gaiijam river, and crossed the Bay of Bengal.1
We learn from the Periplus that there was another trade-
route from three harbours on the Eastern coast near Masali-
patam across the Bay of Bengal to the Eastern Peninsula.*
1. Cf. Mafcuyanak* JaUka, No. 5319, VI,
Jataka, No. 46& IV, 158 ff. Buddhaghoaa's Introduction to
Samanta-Pusadika, Via*ya Tsxts, Vol. Ill
2. Gerini-Researclias on Ptblemy'f G-$ogr$piiy* p*
3. Schoffs edition, p. 46.
We learn from the Sussondl-Jfttaka that there was also a
trade-route from Broach along the western coast to the East*
era Peninsula.1
The existence of ancient trade-routes between the eastern
islands and the coasts of Bengal, Orissa, Madras and Gujarat,
is thus established on good authority. It is interesting to find
that it is precisely in these directions that the ancient tradi-
tions of Indian colonists in the Far East and South-East lead
us to look for their original homes. To mention briefly only
a few of the many traditions, there is first the story of a Ben-
gali prince Vijaya,* colonising the island of Ceylon. Second-
ly the foundation of Ligor is ascribed by tradition to a descend-
ant of ASoka who fled from Magadha, embarked a vessel at
Dantapura and was wrecked on the coast of the Malaya Penin-
sula.3 There is also the story preserved in the chronicles of
Java, that the Hindus from Kaliiiga-coast colonised the island.
Similar traditions of colonists from Kling or Kalinga country
are preserved in many other islands. Thirdly, according to
traditions current among the people of Pegu, Indian colonists
from the country of the lower courses of the rivers Krishna
and Godavari had, at a remote time, crossed the sea, and form-
ed settlements in the delta of the Irawadi and on the adjoin-
ing coast 4 Lastly there is the story preserved in the chronic-
les of Java that the island was first colonised by a Gujar&t
prince who landed there in 75 A. D.
1. Jatakallf, 187 ff.
2. The authenticity of this story has been doubted but cf. Mr.
E. Chanda in Sir Asntosh Mukherji's Silver Jubilee Volumes,
Vol. Ill, p. 113. Also of. J. A. S. B., 1922, p. 435.
3. Gerini, op. oit, p. 107-8. l)antapnra has been identified with
modern Dantan on the Ka&ai [Cunningham' a Geography-Ed,
S. N. Majnmdar p. 735].
4. Phayre-History of Burma, p. 24.
The exact correspondence of colonial traditions with the
evidence derived from Indian source leads to the hypothesis
that generally the Indian colonists proceeding by sea to the
East and South, started from the four centres mentioned above,
viz Tamralipti in the coast of Bengal, Gap&lpur and ancient
Kalinga, the three unidentified harbours near Masulipatam,
and Broach.
In addition to the sea-route described above the Indian
colonists also proceeded to the East and South-East by land-
route through Eastern Bengal, Manipur and Assam. This
fact, although noted long ago, has never been clearly recog-
nised. Sir Arthur Phayre observed as early as 1883 that
'the traditions of the Burmese and the present remains and
names of ancient cities, render it probable that early commu-
nication between Gangetic India and Tagaung existed, and
was carried on through Eastern Bengal and Manipur, rather
than through Thahtun or Pegu generally.1 This view has
received additional confirmation by the researches of Pelliot
and Gerini.
Pelliot has shown1 that from early times, at least as early
as the second century B. C., there was a regular trade-route
by land between Eastern India and China through Upper
Burma and Yunnan. Through this route came the twenty
Chinese Buddhist monks for whom Sri Gupta built a temple,
as I-tsing informs us. Later, the route was obstructed by
barbarous tribes but it was re-opened again in the eighth
century A. D.
Through this route the Indians came and established their
colonies not only in Upper Burma but also in the mountain*
1. Ibid, p 15.
2. Bulletin de 1' Eoole Fraucaiie d' Extreme Orient 1904, p.
142 ff.
out regions of tho upper valleys of thelrawaddy^theSalween,
the Mekong and the Red River as far as Yunuau. It is a
well-known practice for colonists to name the new country
after famous places in their mother land. We get a number
of instances in Burma and Indo^China too well known tata
repeated here. But the same spirit is also observable in the
north-western regions. Yunnan was called Gandh&ra, a»d
even *a late as the 13th century A. D. Rasiduddin referred
to this province by its Indian name. It may be observed
that Yunnan, roughly speaking, occupied the same position
in respect of Indo- China as Gandhara did in respect of
India.
The Hindus established in Yunnan the kingdom of Nan-
Chao or Tali in the upper valleys of the Mekong and the Red-
River. According to local traditions, the third son of king
A£oka had nine grandsons who became the progenitors not
only of the people of Nan-chao, but also of the Tibetans, the
Chinese, the Annamites, the Singhalese etc. Whatever
we may think of this story there cannot be any doubt about
a strong Indian element in the population. Rasiduddin,
writing as late as the 13th century, has remarked that the
population of Yunnan originated from the Indian and the
Chinese. Pelliot, too, has brought together a number of facts
bearing upon the question of Hindu influence in tha country.
The king had the title Maharaja and the people probably
used an alphabet of Hindu origin. It was a great centre of
Buddhism. According to local traditions, AvalokiteSvara
came directly from Central India to convert it There is a
tradition that towards the close of the 8th century A. D.
when the king of the country was inclined to wards the Chinese
civilisation he was abused by seven religious person of India.
Buddhism had a strong hold in this region and we find the
Pippala cave, the Bodhi tree, the Grdhrakuta, tho Ktikkuta-
padagiri, tin stone mansion of Upagupta and the stupa con-
taining the relics of Ananda — all appearing again in the
neighbourhood of Nan-Ohao. In the first half of the gth
century A. D. a Hindu Bhiksu of Magadha named Chandra-
gupta led a brilliant carear of Thaumaturgist in Yunnan.
There were two other Hindu kingdoms between Nan-
Chao and the Indian frontier. To the east of the mountain
rangas that border Manipur and Assam there was the Brah-
niana kingdom of Ta-tsin. About 150 miles further east,
beyond the Chi nd win river, was another Brahmaiia kingdom
just to the north of the town of Ngan-si. Thus we find
Hindu settl'^nents all along the hilly tracts between the
i'rontiors of India and China, in the upper valleys of the Chin-
dween, Irawaddy, Sal ween, Mekong and Red Risers. That
the Indians proceeded towards the south along these rivers
is also fairly certain. The kingdoms thoy established in
Burma at Prome, Tngaung, Lower Pngan and other places
iu\j too well-known to b'3 described in detail. There are indi-
cations that similar Hindu kingdoms existed in the Laos
country. It was formerly known as Malava-d6.<ta. Ptolemy
refers to its eastern part (mod. Luang Phrah Bang) as Dasa-
11.1, which, as Gerini thinks, is probably derived from the
Indian name Da-'arua. Gerini suggests that as the original
D.i-ania in India denoted the eastern part of Malava, it was,
by analogy, given in Farther India to the corresponding
portion of the Indo-Chinese Mfilavj, i. e. Eastern Laos. Gerini
h-is traced tha Indian origin of many other place-names in
Indo-Cluna and has collected many traditions about the
Jndian colonists associated with those places. He has sum-
med up his observations in the following sentence: —
"From the Brahmaputra and Manipur to the Tonkin
gnlf wo can trac^ a continuous string of petty states ruled
by thosa scions of the K;atriya race, using the Sanskrit or the
( xvi )
languages in official documents, after the Indu style
employing Brahmana priests for the propitiatory cere-
monies connected with the Court and State. Among such
Indu monarchies we may mention those of Tagong, upper
Pugan, and Sen-wl, in Burma; of Muang Hang, Chieng Rung
Muang Khwan, and Dasarna (Luang Phrah Bang) in the
LSu country ; and of Agranagara ( Hanoi ) and Champfi in
Tonkin and Annam."1
Although some of the conclusions of Gerini are based on
mere philological grounds which are not always very reliable,
the facts stated above make it quite clear that there were a
good many Hindu kingdoms in the interior of Indo-China
which was not easily accessible by sea, and which must there-
fore have been reached by the Indians through land-route.
On the whole strong and conclusive evidence supports the
hypothesis, advanced long ago by Sir Arthur Phayre and
recently advocated by Gerini, viz. 'that a double stream of
emigrants from India flowed into Indo-China at a very early
period* — one, proceeding from the north advanced overland,
through Bengal and Assam, along the valleys of the Chindvveen,
Irawady, Salween and Mekong, white the other reached
Indo-China by sea. The colonists who proceeded by sea
established the famous kingdoms of Champa (mod. Annam)
and Kamboja (Cambo<lia) in addition to many other notable
kingdoms in lower Burma, Malay Peninsula and the islands
of Sumatra, Java, Borneo, Bali etc. Gerini and other scholars
have held that only the Indians of the Malabar and Coroman-
del coasts colonised Indo-China by the sea-route. But
there is nothing to support this view. As has been said
above, Bengal undoubtedly played a great part in this colo-
nisation through ita well-frequented harbour Tamrali[.ti.
1 Geriui, op, Cit, pp. 122-123.
the Hi
.Reference ha8dbe»dyb*ten raade-^to *h« Bfeddhfofcfcttolfee
about the voyage of merohsrBts from GhampS and VtaWiiJyti
to SBvamiabhumi. W« know from the Chinese rwttt&fei *lk*t
the kiag of Fou-Nan (^(Mapri&iug Cambodia *nd <3o^hin -
China >wnta»amblwaador to India about 240*845 A. Dt tod
that the - emWssy reached the rnooth of tiw&*bg*» At the
end of a year. In the fifth century A. D. a king of Champa
caHed GadgA^aja abdicated the- throde and wtmt orerto Ifadia
in owier to spend hia- last days on the banks of the Oangtss.
It^ appears from the writings of Fa-Hien and I-Taing that
thare was ^regular maritime intercourse between
of Bengal and trh^ Far East , indudiag eastern'
fifth and seventh centuries A. D. In the ninth century we find
an intimate relation eii6tltig between 'the 'king of 'Sumatra -
Java and'Dev^la^'^W^UCan'aiidahi^eeiriDiB 5tfiat "during
Nayapaia's rei^n iBhdiihtst' 'Bhll^btis^rode^ea'to'SuVttrua-
dvlpa for education. In the 'thirteenth century A. D. we
find a queen of Champa called Gautfendralaksnu (probably a
princess of Qau^a). All these 'evidences certainly show a
far more intimate connection between Bengal anil tndEan
coioai^a than has yet been ^recC?gtii*«rd.
Father, most of the imditionm preserved in thre different
•olonies refer to their original home *9 situated in NdrtheVn
India. It is true that the 'traditions have very little value
as historical facts. But ib is impossible to ignore altogfetf&r
the general view-poirrt of iill these stories regarding the ori-
ginal home of the ooloniete and the methoda of
Some of these stories are given below.
1. Nalanda copperplate of Devupala-Ep. Ind. VoL
p. 310.
( xviii )
According to Burmese tradition, a gftkya chief of Kapi-
Iftvattu came with an army to the country of the middle Ira*
waddy, long before Buddha was born. The dynasty he foun-
ded ruled for 31 generations in Burma when they were over-
thrown by an invasion of an eastern tribe coming apparently
from China. About this time there came a second band of
immigrant Ksatriyas from Gangetic India. Their chief mar-
ried the widowed queen of the last king of the previous dynas-
ty and established a new kingdom. This was the origin of
the ruling dynasty of Upper Burma.1
According to the traditions of Arakan the first king of the
province was the son of a king of Benares who settled at B&-
m&vati a name which still exists in a corrupted form Bambyi
or Ramri.1 The Cambodian annals explain the origin of the
kingdom of Cambodia in the following way : —
" XdityavamSa, king of Indraprastha, was displeased with
one of his sons and banished him from the state. He came to
the country of Kok Thlok and made himself master of it by
defeating the native king. One evening he was walking on
a sand bank when suddenly the tide arose and obliged him to
pass the night there. A NagI of marvellous beauty came to
play on the sand and the king, overpowered by her charm,
agreed to marry her. Then the N&gar&ja, the father of the
betrothed girl, extended the dominions of his would be son*
in-law by drinking the water which covered the country, built
a capital for him and changed the name of the kingdom into
that of K&mboja."
The same tradition, in a changed form, occurs in an ins-
cription of Champa dated 657 A. D. (No. 12). Speaking of
the origin of Cambodge it says.
1, Phayre-History of Burma, pp. 7 ft.
2. Ibid pf 12.
"It WM therfe ttett KauMinya,
'lias, planted the sperar ^hkih he had obtained f ram Drona's don
A^ vafcthtomfc the best of 'Brfthmattas. Kauiid i nya married tiie
daughter of the N&ga king naired So*n& and from this union
sprang up the royal race."
A still earlier version of the story, current ad e&ifly as tfce
first half of the third century A. D , dcfcurs in a CHih^se his-
tory compiled at the beginning of the - sixth tentury. T&fer-
ring to Fou-Nan, a kingdom comprising modern Cochin China,
Cambodia and part of Siam and Laos, it says.
"Formerly the country was ruled by a qtteen iialled
Lieou*ye. Then there was a man of the country of Ki called
Houen-t'ien whoi*saW in a dream that a spirit pave Him1 a boSv
arid asked him to take to sea in a junk. Hbttett-Vl^n
wfent in the mdrtting to the temple of the D^ity aiid
found the bow at the foot of a tree. Then he got into 'a junk
arid sarled to Fbu-Nan. The queen Lieou-ye saw the jtiik
and collected her soldiers to resist him. But Houeu t'ien
rawed his • be>w ftttd shot irom ifaY ari ai*rowsivlrhidh f)4a«ed
through the side of a ship and struck adrafebtidy in ltie:lhte-
rior. Lieou-ye was struck with terror and submitted and
Houen-t'ien married her/'1
Now Houen-t'ien is an exact Chinese transcription of
Kaun<Jm5*a and we know from another Chinese version of the
story that he practised the Brahmauic cult. This story i»
therefore the earliest of the different versions and it must be
noticed that it is the most credible of them all. It explain*,
in-a quite natural manner, the conquest of Fou-Nan by Indians
by means of superior military power, and the social alliance
between the new-comers and the old settlers. It may be
added that the tradition of their origin was ' feUftfatly kept
1. Melanjgrej Sylvaiii Levi, p, 203.
by the later kings who called themselves as " Srl-Kaundinya-
Somadahitrprabha vah " or as belonging to 'Soma-Kaun<Jinya
VamSa'. Soma, the female originator of the race, being the
daughter of Soma, the dynasty was also called 'Soma-Yam£a.'
No doubt this appellation was to a great extent inspired by the
Indian tradition of the great 8omavam£a. As a proof of this
we find an attempt on the part of the rival Cambodian kings
to trace their descent from Sury&vamSa. According to lo-
gend they were descended from Maharsi Kambu Svayambhu-
va, belonging to solar raoe, and the Apsara Mera, Thus
Jayavarman II a king in the 9th century A. D. is called in
his inscription " Srl-Kambu-Bhubhrd-ina-vaih^a-lalama-gopta'
or guardian of the best solar race of kinj; Sri-Kambu".
Suryavarman I of the eleventh century is called ' Suryavaui-
£ajo' VHIand Jayavarman of the 12th century 'am$umali-varu-
^odbhavo.' But this tradition about Suryavatn^a apparently
had no strong hold on the people, for generally the kings of
Cam bodge adopted the tradition of Fou-Nan and called them-
selves descendants of Kaundinya and Soma and as such be-
longing to Somavam^a1
II. The facts and legends quoted above unmistakably
prove the Indian colonisation of the territories named at a
very early date. If we now seek to find out more precisely
the tm\e when these colonies were established we find our-
selves in great difficulty in the absence of any definite evide-
nce. The utmost that we can do is to lay down a time limit
before which these colonies were accomplished facts. Four
different lines of evidence point out the first two centuries of
the Christian era as this limit. In the first place, Ptolemy,
writing about the middle of the second century A. D., has
1. Ibid pp. 205-212.
uaed quite* a* large number of geographical' rfatnes of SanskftV
origin in Indo-China.
Secondly, when the Chains or the people of Annam appear
in history towards the cbse of the second century of our era,
they were already under a Hindu or Hinduised dynasty, and.
the inscription of Vo-chanh, written in correct Sanskrit aboiit
the second or third century A. D., shows them to have already
thoroughly imbibed the Indian civilisation.
Now the royal author of the Vo-chanh inscription at
Champa calls himself the descendant of &ri Mftra. On the
other hand the Chinese refer to the foundation of the kingdom
of Champa at 192 A. D. by one whose personal name was Lien
and family name Kiu. It is probable that Sri-M&ra was the
same person as Kiu-Lien, but whether this is true or not, we
know of the definite establishment of a Hindu kingdom m
Annam about second century A. D.1
Thirdly, the Chinese had intercourse with the Hindu
kingdom of Fou-Nan in the first half of the third century
A. D. At that time the throne was occupied by an usurper,
and two kings bad ruled before him for a period of 93 years.
This takes us back to the first half of the second century
A. D. as the date of the foundation of the royal dynasty.
Fourthly, an ambassador from one of the smaller Hindu
kingdoms, Lang-ya-sieou ( identified with Tenasserirn ), who
visited the Chinese court in 515 A. D. is reported to have said
that their kingdom was founded more than four hundred
year* ago.3
All these evidences agree in referring the begin-
nings of Indian colonial kingdoms to a period
not later than the second century A. D.
1. See below pp. 18, 21.
2. Bulletin de 1' Ecole Francaise d' Extreme Orient 1912, No.
8. pp 3 ff.
( nil )
although this may be regarded as the lower limit of
the date by which Indians had established kingdoms in these
distant colonies, it should by no means be regarded as the
upper limit also. The very fact that the easternmost part of
these colonies, viz. Annara, came under the sway of the Indians
not latter than the second century A. D. would naturally push
back by a few centuries the date of the beginnings of political
activity of the Indian colonists in these regions. Further,
.. colonisation, as distinguished from the establishment of poli-
tical authority, would ba pushed back still further.
About the time when the Indians gradually penetrated
into Burma and countries further east these were settled by
savage tribes. Those in Burma were Mongoloid in character,
and akin to the present tribes bfAbors and Mishmis. The people
of Indo-China* and of the islands of Sumatra, Java and Borneo
were Malay o- Polynesian or Austro-nesian in character. "In native
traditions the early inhabitants of the coast, specially near the
mouth of the Salween river, are represented as savages, called
in Burmese Bilu, the equivalent of : R&ksasa. 'They rejected
all intercourse with civilised men and even Gautama himself
x Tfrho, it is fabled, ca»ae to the country 'was • stoned and driven
away- by them.1" The Chinese also speak of the people of
Annam in the same strain. *They are* we are told • so sava-
ge that they do not know cultivation and live by filing
and hunting alone. They are turbulent people who frequent-
ly rise in revolt, invade the Chinese official quarters, burn
pillage and massacre wherever they gof and take refuge in their
impenetrable forests whenever they are attacked by a strong
army./1
Jt was the mission of Indian colonists to bring this hete-
1. Phayre-History of Burma, p. 27.
2. T'oung Pao, 11)10, p. 223.
rogeneous mass of barbarians within the pale of civilisation,
a task which the Chinese, their next-door neighbour*, had
hitherto failed to accomplish*
As a matter of fact the political conquest of Farther India
and the adjacent islands was rapidly followed by a complete
cultural conquest The local people readily assimilated the
new civilisation and adopted the religion, art, social manners
and customs, alphabet, literature, laws and administrative ays*
tern of the conquerors. This will be amply evident from the
picture of civilisation in Champa contained in Book II of the
present volume.
In short Indian civilisation made a thorough conquest of
these lands and a new India was established in that far-off
region. The Indian colonists even tried to complete the
transformation by importing celebrated place-names of their
motherland into their new home, and thus we find new towns
and countries called Ayodhya, Kau^ambl, &rlksetra, Dv&r&vati,
Mathura, Champa, Kaliriga, KAmboja and Gandh&ra springing
up hundreds of miles away from their nauie-sakes.
The question naturally arises, what became of this splen-
did civilisation. The answer is not difficult. So long as the
Hindu dynasties were in power the civilisation flourished. It
is interesting: to note that for nearly three centuries after
India was conquered by the Muhammadans the banner of
Hindu independence waa hoisted up in those far-off lands.
But like a fountain with a dried up spring these colonies deca-
yed with the downfall of their motherland. Gradually the
savage tribes from the north, like the Thais, the Laos and the
Annrtmites, which were hitherto kept in check, overran these
countries and destroyed the Hindu dynasties after they had
gloriously ruled for nearly 1300 years. The result was very
striking in the domain of art. As a distinguished writer ha*
observed : 'For nearly thirteen hundred years the Indian colo-
nists had persevered in adorning these far-off lands with edi-
fices almost unrivalled elaowhere of their class. But at the
end of that time, as happeusd in India, they disappear a* if
at tha touch of a magician's wand.1 The cass of Java is a ty-
the sequel fci
words. "Then occurred what was, perhaps, the least empeated
£«ent i^ ^,^,^wage ^vaptf al Uiatory. ; Jtis as if > tfce ma-
had, t}u*>wa away their tools and the chisel* had dropped
otthefarv^ra Rwn $hat time ,Jfor**rd no
in J*va ,%iid-.iv>: image carved, that is
worth erea a pawing .notice."1 What is true of art ia abo
.other elements, of ^iyiUsation. Ffom the ISth/cestttry
the barbarian tribes occupied Further India^ and des-
troyed the civilisation which their Hindu predecessors had
built up with BO much toil. But some vestiges of the old
civilisation still remain to this day. The island of Bali still
follows the Hindu religion and only a few years ago a great
Hindu sacrifice was performed there with due pomp and cere-
mony. In Cambodian palace the sword of Indra is still guar-
ded with veneration and brought out on occasions of royal
consecration when a handful of Hindu priests, the last remnant
pfa dignified body, pour holy waters over the head of the
king. The stories of Ramayaiia and Mahabharata still form
U^ themes of t^eir literary works and are regularly staged
to the accompaniment of dances and songs. A handful of
Br&hmagias still maintain a precarious existence in the Far
East. ' But while all these serve as gratifying remini«ceno^ >f
a furious past, there is no longer any living connection bet-
ween India and her forgotten colonial empire. Stranga a* it
may seem, the d^candauts of, men who founded that empire
abfrndoped sea- voyage as something unholy and thus an im pa-
ssable barrier WM created tatween the Hindus apd th^ir bre-
thren of the Far East. But whatever the modern Hindus
plight think of it, the historian now realise, that one of th«
iiiOHt^plandid, .though y^-t unwritten, Qhaptew of Indian bis*
ry ia the utory ol th$ growth of a pew India in the FAT
Ferffuason-HUtory of Indian and and Eastern Arcnjtecture
BOOK I
THE POLITICAL HISTORY
Of
CHAMPA
Chapter I.
THE LAND.
§ 1. PHYSICAL FEATURES.
The ancient kingdom of Champa occupied the eastern
portion of the Indo-Chinese peninsula, and roughly corresponded
to the present province of Armani (excluding Tonkin and
French Cochin China) with the exception of the three northern
districts, Than Hoa, NgheAn and HaTinh. It was situated bat-
ween 18° and 10° of N. Latitude. The almost uninhabited dunes
which now separate Annam from French Cochin China formed
its southern boundary. The eastern boundary was formed by
th° sea of China, while 0:1 the west a chain of hills shut it off
from thp valley ot tho Mekhong river.
This chain of hills, covered with rich forests, runs across
the whole length of the country, gradually descending from
north to south. Its height in the northern part is about 2750
yards, and in the southern part about 2200 yards. This moun-
tain range has three passes which offer easy route across it to
the* valley of the Mekhong. Of those the southernmost one at
Quinori alone sterns to have been used for purposes of western
expansion by the people of ancient Champa.
Champa was thus mainly a long narrow strip of territory
confined between the mountains and the sea. The coast line
was a bow-shaped curve, convex towards the sea. From Song
Giang in Quang Binh, the northernmost district, the coast '.line
runs due south-east up to cape Batangan. Thence it runs
nearly south to Cape Padaran. From Capo Padaran it abruptly
takes a south-western direction till it reaches tho French Co-
chin China. The narrow habitable zone between the moun-
tains and the sea varies in breadth and is intersected by innu-
m Table spurs of hills running in various directions. Some-
4 THE LAND
times the spurs of hills extend as far as the sea coast, and the
habitable zone is reduced to nothing; but nowhere does it
exceed a breadth of sixty to seventy miles. A large number of
rivers issuing from the mountains falls to the sea. The whole
country is thus divided into a number of valleys separated by
chains of hills.
In consequence of the rapid declivity of land towards the
east, and the short course of these rivers, large quantities of
Bands and gravels are carried along with their swift currents.
This has resulted in the formation of dunes and lagunes all
along the coast line. These no doubt prevent the large ships
from approaching near the coast, but serve as an excellent
means of communication for small boats all along the coast-
line. This was particularly valuable in ancient times, as jour-
ney by land was exceedingly difficult on account of the rugged
mountains that traverse the country, and tho savage inhabitants
that lived in the interior.
The Jarge number of river valleys in which th? country
abounded were rich in fertile lands, and consequently formed
the centres of civilisation. But as these were practical!}' un-
connected by any land route, and could only communicate with
one another by means of sea, it looks as though the whole
kingdom consisted of a number of independent isolated settle-
ments. That this was indeed the case to a very large extent
is shown by the grouping of ancient monuments in different
valleys without any connecting link between one another, and
the constant tendency of tho different parts of the kingdom to
set up as independent states.
§ 2. NATURAL DIVISIONS OF THE LAND.
In view of what has just been said it is necessar}' to deal
with the natural divisions of land in mora details. The ancient
kingdom of Champa may, from this point of view, b3 divided
ANCIENT HISTORY OF CHAMPA 5
into five parts. Starting from the south, we may enumerate
them as follows : —
I. The southernmost section comprises the dis-
trict of Binh Thuan, between Cape Ba-ke, which separates
Annam from French Cochin China, and Cape Padaran. The
spurs of hills reach the sea at Cape Kega dominated by
mount Ta-cu, about 550 yards high. The country, full of sands
and dunes, is thinly peopled, the only exception being the
three ports of Phantiet, Phanri and Duong, at the mouths
of small rivers, and settlements in their immediate neighbour-
hood. The plain in the interior is now almost deserted but
appears to have been rich and prosperous in the past.
II. The second section, extending from Cape Padaran
to Cape Varolla, comprises the district of Khan Hoa. It
consists of three valleys easily accessible from one another.
It is separated from the preceding section by hill ranges which
abruptly descend to the sea, but the valley of Ca Na offers a
passable route between the two.
The country is full of mountains but there are five valleys
and bays. Three of th^se valleys are most important, those of
Phanrang, immediately after Cape Padaran, Nha Trang. a little
to th^ north, and lastly Ninh Hoa. Phanrang, the ancient
P«,n,duran(ja in still full of old monuments. Nha Trang, the
ancient Kauthara was famous for the Temple of Po Nayar
which contains a large numbar of inscriptions of ancient times.
III. The third section extends from Cape Varella to Sahoi
Point. It contains two distinct mountain ranges with two val-
leys watered by the rivers Song Ba or Song Da Rang and Song
Lai Giang, and the rich extensive plain of Binh Dinh b3tweeii
the two. Long chains of mountains separate this section from
th'} preceding. Th^re are only two routes, one across th^ peak
of Da Bia (770 Yds high), and the othor through an unheal-
6 THE LAND
thy marshy valley, both leading to ihe valley of Song Da
Rang.
The plain of Binh Dinh is the most extensive in Annam
and contains many ruins of ancient times. Not far from the
present fort of Bin Dinh which was built in the 18th. century
are to be found the ruins of the old fort of Caban — the old
capital city of Vijaya, for a long time the capital of the ancient
kingdom.
This section corresponds to the modern districts of Phu
Yen and Binh Dinh.
IV. The fourth section comprises the modern districts
of Quang Ngai and Quatig Nam, extending from Point Sahoi
to the spur of hill called ' Col des Nuages ' ( The cloudy Peak )
on the coast. All along the coast line there are interminable
dunes and equally interminable lagunes. Quang Ngai con-
tains a rich plain watered by two rivers Soug Tra Kuc and
Song Tra Bong. The Song, the Great River, which takes vari-
ous names, with a number of affluents water the plain of Quang
Nam and fall in several chan.iels to the sea forming a large but
shallow estuary. The important port of Faifo on thin estuary
was once the principal port of ths ancient kingdom of Champa.
On one of the arms of this Great River is the Marble rock con-
taining Buddhist caves.
Th3 province contains innumerable vestiges of antiquity.
It was the ancient kingdom of Amaravatl. There are ruins of
many famous towns of old, tho most notable bsing Tra Kieu,
the ancient Champa- nagari, the capital of Champa, and Dong
Duong, the ancient Lidrapura. There are besides ruins of a
group of fine temples at My son which have yielded quite a
larg? number of epigraphic records.
V. Tlio fifth section extending from " Col des Nuagos "
to Hoan Sonh Mountains comprises the three districts of
Thua Thien, Quang Tri and Quang Binh. The dunes and
ANCIENT HISTORY OF CHAMPA 7
the lagunes along the sea-coast form its characteristic feature.
Each of the three districts is watered by a large river. The
river Song Gianh in Quang Binh is one of the largest in
Annam, and a few miles further north is the Cape Bung Chua,
the northernmost point of the ancient kingdom of Champa,
the Hoaii Sonh Mountains forming the frontier between it
and the Annamite provinces to the north.
This region was thoroughly devastated by the long-drawn
struggles between the Chains and the Annamites and by the
systematic pillage of the latter when they conquered it. As
a result only a few vestiges of antiquity remain on the
ground. It contains the modern capital of the province viz.,
Hue, and near it the ruins of Kiu-Siou the old stronghold
of Champa.1
§ 3. MODERN GEOGRAPHICAL DIVISIONS.
Annam is now divided into twelve districts. Starting
from the north immediately south of Tonkin, these may bs
enumerated as follows : —
(1) Than Hoa
(2) Nghe An
(3) Ha Tinh
(4) Quang Binh
(5) Quang Tri
(6) Thua Thien (Quong Du'c)
(7) Quang Nam
(8) Quang Ngai
(9) Binh Dinh (Qui-nhom)
(10) Phu Yen
(11) Khan Hoa (Nha Trang)
(12) Binh Thuan
1. g 1 and g 2 are mainly based on 4* inventaire Descriptif
des Monuments Cams de 1' Annam" by H. Parmentier, V01, I
Chapter I.
8 THE LAND
§ 4. THE CLIMATE AND POPULATION.
The climate varies according to Latitude and altitude,
the heat ranging between 50° and 100° F. There are
only two seasons, Summer and Monsoon. Summer com-
mences in February or March and ends in August. The
monsoon breaks out in September and continues till February.
The climate is, generally speaking, unhealthy and favours
diseases like fever and dysentery.
The population of the country was never very largo. Judg-
ing on the basis of the present population, the kingdom of
Champa, at its largest extent, may be regarded as having
contained about two and a half millions of people.
§ 5. THE SOIL AND ITS PRODUCTS.1
Nearly throughout the country the territory between
the mountains and the sea contains rich alluvial plains with
clayey subsoil. On the high plateau the soil is sandy. The
mountains, covered with rich forests, contain large layers
of clayey, sometimes also ferrugineous, soil which is very
fertile.
The most important product is rice which not only
grows on low or marshy plains, but also on high grounds
and even on mountains. Among other products of the soil
may be mentioned the sugarcane, mulberry, pepper, betel,
cotton, tobacco, maize, millet, sesame, caster-oil plant, indigo,
saffron, lac, turmeric, different kinds of potatoes, sago, beans,
pea, egg-plant, cucumber, hemp, fan-palm.
Among the fruit-trees, the most important are banana,
eocoanut, mango, betel-nut, date-palms, jack tree and apple.
Among other fruits may be mentioned mangosteen, guava,
tamarind, orange, lemon, pomegranate, papaw, pine-apple and
Lichi.
1. §4— §G are mainly based on "Bouillevaux— L'Annam ek le
Cambodge " PP. 449 ff.
ANCIENT HISTORY OF CHAMPA 9
Among watery plants may be mentioned lotus, water-
lily and a kind of palms whose leaves were used in making
straw hats.
The forest contained a rich variety of important and
valuable trees of perfume such as sandal, camphor,
clove, frankincense and others. Cardarnum was found with
great difficulty, but valued at its weight in gold. Ther?
were ebony and other trees producing good timber, and
bamboo was found in great abundanc?
The mountains are generally composed of granite rocks.
They contain numerous minerals. The hills in Quang Nam
and Thua Thieu contain abundant zinc and copper, the
latter being also found in Phu Yen. Silver exists in Thua
Thien and Phu Yen while gold dust is found in Quang Nam
and oth'^r places. Mineral oils ara found nearly ail over the
country.
Gold was obtained in larg^ quantities and the Chinese
texts of old refer to ' Mountains of gold '. The soil abounded
in precious stones of various kinds and we hear frequently
of lapLs-la/xuli and amber being sent as presents or tributes
by the king of Champa.
§ 6. THE FAUNA.
The more important domesticated animals are the
elephants, the buffalo, the horse, the ox, the boar, and tha
goat.
Among the birds may h* mentioned the duck, the pigeon,
and fowls of various kinds. The goose and the rabbit are rarely
£ 1
tound.
The mountains and forests of Annam also abound in
wild animals, such as the elephants, buffalo, wild boar,
ferocious bull, and another animal called Jin (midway between
buffalo and bull) which is very ferocious. There are also tiger,
rhinoceros, wild goats, and deer in large numbers.
there are monkeys and hares.
10 THE LAND
The more important aquatic birds were rose-coloured
flamingo, stork, pelican, heron, crane, ibis, teal, and water-
fowls.
Among other birds may be mentioned peacock, pheasant,
swallow, parrots, quail, crow, small eagles, vulture, and wild-
fowls.
The rivers and sea abounded in fish of various kinds
and tortoises. There were besides muther-of-pearl and sea-
otter.
11
Chapter II.
THE CHAMS AND THE FOUNDATION
OF THE KINGDOM OF CHAMPA.
The country which developed later into th* kingdom of
Champa was originally inhabited by two class?s of people,
(l)the Chains, and (2) the savages. The distinction was
mainly a cultural one, for ethnographically they both belonged
to the sam^ Austronesiaiirac \l The Chains looked down upon
ih" savages and called them by the general names of the
MlecchaH and the Kiratas, in addition to various local names,
such as th" Vrlas of Phanrang, Randaiy of Nlia Trang, and
the Mada of Binh Dinh.
The Chinese historians have left very interesting accounts
of tli? physical features ami the manners and customs of tin
Chains. ' They had black skin, deep sunken eyes, snub-nosas,
and woolly hair. Their dress consisted of a piece of cotton
cloth which covered tlHr body from \vaisb to the feet. Neither
man nor women put on any oth?r cloth save that in winter
thay usxl a kind of thick rob*. The, ordinary people wjnt
bar j- footed, but tlia nobles used shoes mad^ of skin. Both tli3
male and the female tied th » hair into various forms of knots
and p/rforatud the ears for putting on rings or oth'*r ornaments.
The people loved cleanliness. Th-»y bathed and washed several
js eveiy day and rubbed their body with camphor and muse.
(1) As usual there is a wide divergence of views in this respect,
but the general consensus of opinion is in favour of the
view mentioned above. The old language of the Chams,
as preserved in ancient inscriptions, which by the way does
not materially differ from the modern, as well as their phy-
sical features, described by the Chinese, lend support to this
view. Their manners and customs also point in the same
direction.
12 THE CHAMS
Their clothes werj perfumed with the vapour of a largo num-
ber of fragrant woods.' * Lin-yi-ki, a Chin°so text composed
about the close of the 5th century A. D., describes the people
of Tan-eul as follows : " Th^ people love to walk bare-footed
and wear large ear-rings. Although the boys and girls havo
untidy naked bodies, th^y do not consider it a shame. In
summer th^y cover their body with earth and expose it to the
sun. Naturally their skin becomes black. For a long time
this practice has been a general one and black is regarded as
elegant."5*
It appears that the population consisted of some Chinese
elements, though th'^se wer? ultimately absorbed by tha Chains
or rather the Indianis?d Chains. For, in thri same Chines ->
text, Lin-yi-ki, wo mid the following d ascription of the people
of Km-sou, a fortified stronghold of Champa, about 70 miles
from the capital.
"The inhabitants cbsc^iided from the Chinese exiles (255-
20G B. C. ) have been corrupted by coming into contact with
the indigenous elements, and the ancient manners and customs
of Je-nan have been completely transformed."3
Very little is known of th.> early history of tin Chains.
The Annamites have preserved, in their Annals some legends
about it, but they are of little historical value. One of th°m
runs as follows : —
(1) This description is collected by Maspero from tho accou-
nts of several Chinese authors, belonging: to different pe-
riods (Touug Pao. 1910 p. 174). But as all these Chi-
nese writers belonged to a period when the Chams had
come under the influence of the Indian colonists, it is
difficult to decide how for the manners and customs des-
cribed by them were original or due to the Indian influ-
ence.
(2) B. E. F. vol. IV, No. 9, p. 15.
(3) Ibid, p. 13.
ANCIENT HISTORY OF CHAMPA 13
" In ancient times there was a kingdom, beyond th^
frontiers of Annam, called Dieu-nghiem. The king of this
country was called the king of demons or Da£anana (having
ten face*). To the north of this kingdom was the country
of Ho Ton Tinh whose king was Da^aratha. The son of
Dafiaratlia called Chung-tu had a beautiful wife. King
Das.lnana, being enamoured of h°r beauty, conquered the
country of Ho Ton Tinh and brought away the princess.
Prince Chung-tu, however, gathered a troop of Monkeys who
bridged the oc jan with mountains, and brought back his
wife after defeating and killing Das&nana. "
After describing the above story the Annainite Annals
conclud * : " The Chams are the descendants of the nation
called Ho Ton Tinh. " The story is, on the face of it, simply
a localisation of the events of Ramayuna in Champa, and
no historical conclusion can bj drawn from it.
Tin earliest reliable information about the Chams is
obtained from the Chinese sources. But in order to under-
stand properly the relations between the two nations we
must go back a little to the past history.
In tlr- middle of the third century before Christ China
was divid -d into a large number of small kingdoms. To the
south and south-east of it, beyond the Nanling mountains,
lived a large number of independent tribes who were generally
d'vsignat"d as Yue, and who occupied not only Tonkin and
the northern portion of Annam as far as Quang Nam, but
also tha present Chinese districts named Kouang-Si, Kouang-
Tong, Fou-kien and Tcho-kiang (only the southern half).
In 221 B.C. Che-houang-ti, of the Tain Dynasty (225
B. C.-206 B.C.) brought the whole of China under his control
and established a united empire. After having properly orga-
nised the administration of his vast territories he turned his
14 THE CHAMS
attention to the conquest of the Yue tribes. By 214 B.C.1 the
vast territories were conquered and divided for the purpose
of administration into several provinces. The whole of Tonkin
and northern Anriani was included in the province of Siang,
while the rest was divided into three other provinces. After
the death of Che-houang-ti in 210 B.C. anarchy arid con-
fusion prevailed in China, taking advantage of which the
governor of on? of these three provinces established an inde-
pendent kingdom called Nan-yue. It had its caj vital at Canton
and comprised the modern Chinese districts of Kouang-si and
Kouang-Tong. The province of Siang was soon conquered
by the king of Nan-yue and was divided for administrative
purposes into two provinces of Kiao-tche (Tonkin) and Kieou-
tchen (the region of Than Hoa and the Chinese territory
in Annam) with capitals respectively at Hanoi and Than-hoa.
In the meantime the Han Dynasty was established in
China. In ths year 196 B.C. the Han Emperors officially
recognised the kingdom of Nan-yue and its king agreed to
rule as a vassal king. In the y^ar 183 B.C., however, ID
revolted and assumed the title of the Emperor of Nan-yne.
He died in 137 B. C. and was succeeded by feeble rulers.
The Han Emperor s^iit a military expedition against tlvj
kingdom in 112 B. C. and it was wholly conquered in a y^ar.
The Han Emperors made a nnw arrangnnent of adminis-
trative units. Th° territories comprising To:ikin and all
the southern conquests in Annam which were included in the?
province of Siang under the Tsin Emperors, and out of
which two provinces (Kiao-tche, and Kieou-tchen) were mad.3
by the king oi Nan-yue, were now divided into three pro-
(1) Maspero wrongly puts the events at 3 B. C t [T'oung Pao
1910, p. 322] probably a mistake for II I B.C., but even
this dato is not that of the original conquest but of the
later conquest by the Hans.
ANCIENT HISTORY OF CHAMPA 15,
vinces viz., Kiao-tehe, Kieou-tchen and Je-nan. In other
words, Je-nan corresponded to the southern districts of Siang1.
Je-nan was divided into five districts, the two southern-
most of which had their head-quarters at Siang-lin and Si-
Kuan.
The question of the exact limits of Je-Nan has long
perplexed the scholars. But it may now be regarded as
having b^en fixed with a fair degree of certainty. Pelliot
has shown from a passage in Tsin Chou that the northern
boundary of Je-nau was the Heng-Chan, now called Hoan-
Sonh mountain, a chain which advaricjs towards the sea b,3tween
Ha Tinh and Quang Binli.2 As to the southern boundary,
M. Aurouaseau lias draw:i attention to a passage in
Heou Haa Chou according to which the two provinces of
Kieou-tchen and Je-nan were situated respectively at a dis-
tance of 11,580 and 13,400 U from Lo Yang. It would
follow, therefore, that Je-nau was nearly 1820 li to the south
of Kieou-tchen. As this latter has been definitey identified
with Tha-i-hoa, it follows that Je-nan extended at least 250
miles further south ; i:«i oth?r words it must have extended
beyond the province of BInh Dinh in the south. This is
corroborated by an Annamite Geographical text which fixes
the southern boundary of Je-Nan at the mountain chain
which terminates in cape Varella. Thus the ancient Je-Nan
may be regarded as that part of modern Annain which lies
between the Porte d' Annam and Cape Varella.8
(1.) This rapid survey of the relations between China and An-
nam is based on the admirable article of L. Aurousseau
(B. E. F. Vol. XXIIf, pp. 137 ff., cf. specially pp. 152 ff,
216 ff, 223 ff. 232 ff. and 2G3 ff )
(2 ) B. E. P. Vol. IV, p. 190
(3.) Ibid Vol. XIV, No 9, p, 24.
16 THE CHAMS
We thus find that since 214 B. C., the whole of Tonkin,
and Annam as far as Cape Varella, passed under the supre-
macy of the Chinesa. The people who lived in Tonkin
and northern Annam were undoubtedly the Annamites who
were destined to rise to great power in a later period and
give their name to the southern part of the Chinese posse-
ssions. They b3longed ethnographically to the vast Yue race
that occupied the territory south of Nan-ling which was first
conquered by the Tsin Emperor Che-houang-ti between 221
and 214 B.C. A large part of this Yuo race was ultimately
absorbed by the Chines^, but those of Tonkin and northern
Annam retained their individuality, and, after canturies of
Chinese subjugation, ultimately formed themselves into a
powerful nation, as we shall S3e later on. The Annamites,
however, did not as yet extend beyond the "Col d? Nuages"
in the district of Quang Nam. To the south of it lived
the indigenous savage population. But already in the first
century A. D. we find a new element, the Chams, firmly
established in sufficiently large numbor as far north as
Quang Nam. At what date th > Chains pushed so far north
as Quang Nam wo are unabl • to say, but wi* shall not
probably be far wrong, if we hold that at tlv* timo when the
Han Emperor had divided th:-* vast territories between the
frontier of Kouang-Si and capo* Varella into th^ thrae pro-
vinces of Kiao-tche, Kieou-tchrm and Jo-Nan, tin first two
were peopled by the Annamites and the third by the Chams.
The primitive savages of Tonkin a:id Annam, pushed by
the Aunamites from the north and the Chams from the south,
were gradually moving towards the high mountains as th3ir
last refuge.
To the south of cape Varalla, in the districts of Khan
Hoa and Binh Thuan, livid a small group of ind3p3ml3nt
ANCIENT HISTORY OF CHAMPA 17
Chains who constantly harassed the southern frontier of
the Chinese possessions. They must have been encouraged
in their incursions by the tacit sympathy of the population •
their own kinsmen — who were placed under the yoke of the
Chinese. As we shall see later on, the headquarters of the
southernmost Chinese district were placed in Quang Nam.
The Chinese control over the districts of Quang Ngai, Binh
D'mh and Phu Yen were probably moro nominal than real,
and the country, being full of narrow valleys and thick
impenetrable jungles, tempted the Chains to plunder and
devastate the Chinese possessions. The Chines3 historians
have described those Chains as savages who were ignorant of
the art of cultivation and lived upon hunting alone. They
frequently invaded the residences of the Chinese officials
and plunder, murder and devastation accompanied these
raids. As soon, however, as th? Chinas0 troops carne to
chastise them they fled and took shelter in the impenetrable
for3sts.
The Cham incursions sometimes took a fairly serious
turn. We learn from the Chinese history that in the year
137 A. D., about 10,000 Kin-lien, a barbarous trib3 from
b?yonl the frontier of their territories, attacked their
southernmost districts, d^stroy^d the Chines ; forts and
ravaged tho whob country. Th? governor Fan- Yen raised
ton thousand soldiers, but th\y were unwilling to
und ^rtake such a distant expedition and broke into revolt.
Taking advantage of this respite, the Kiu-lien pushed their
conquests further north, defeat 3d tli3 Chinese troops that
opposed tliam, and occupied Romrt< of the Chinese districts.
The Chinos3 emperor was inclined to ssnd a military
expedition against th3 intruders, but on3 of his ministers
pointed out tho futility of such a distant expedition, and
advised his royal master to rely upon diplomacy. Accord-
18 THE CHAMS
ingly Tchou Leang was sent to treat with them and the
Kiu-lien were induced to evacuate the conquered territory
in 138 A. D. There is no doubt that the Kiu-lien denoted the
Chams1 who thus seem to have possessed great military skill
and organisation, as early as the second century A. D.
But the death-blow to the Chinese authority came from
within. The Cham inhabitants of Siang-lin were particularly
turbulent and now and then broke into open rebellion. In
100 A. D. nearly 2000 of them revolted and attacked the Chi-
nese possessions in the north. They killed many officials and
destroyed many villages, but retraced th'Mr stops as soon as
the Chinese forces arrived. In course of time they grew bolder,
and, about 192 A. D., taking advantage of the troubles of the
Han dynasty, a native of Siang-lin, nam-d Lion, son of Kong
tsa'o, and belonging to the family called Kiu, killed the officer
in-charge of the city and proclaimed himself king in Lin-yi.
As the term Lin-yi has been used by the Chinese throughout
in later periods to denote the kingdom of Champa, we may
trace in the successful revolt of Kiu Lien the foundation of that
kingdom, at first in Siang-lin but ultimately cbstined to cover
nearly the whole of Annam, south of Tonkin.3
1. Jbid p. 28.
2. Maspero doubtfully accepted the hypothesis tli.it the king-
dom of Kiu Lien is that of Champa, but M. Aurousseau has
quoted definite evidence on this point from Chinese text*
[B. E. F. vol. XIV, No 9, pp. 26-27].
As to the origin of the name Liii-yi, M. Aurousseau sug-
gests that the Cham kingdom having been originally esta-
blished in Siang-lin, the Chinese called it Lin-yi ie. capi-
tal Lin [of Siang]. "Lin-yi" which was thus the first Chi-
nese name of the first Cham capital was ultimately extend-
ed by a natural process to denote the whole of the ancient
kingdom of 'Jkarnpa [Ibid],
ANCIENT HISTORY OF CHAMPA 19
The identification of the city of Lin-yi (Siang-lin) has
long baffled the scholars. But M. Auroussean seems to have
successfully demonstrated that Siang-lin is now represented by
Tra-kieu, a little to the south of Quang Nam.1 It would thus
appear that the first Cham kingdom was established in Qnang-
Nam and this explains the presence of two such magnificent
groups of temples at Myson and Dong-Duong in the neigh-
bourhood.
We find a beautiful description of the topography of Cha-
mpa in a Chinese text called Chouei King Tchou composed in
527 A. ]).
' Th i city was about 40 li (about GJ miles) from th" sea-co-
ast a;id was at a distance of 2,500 li (about 400 miles) from
tin tcJieou of Kouang. At the south-west angle of th" ramparts
of th.* city Wfiv high mountains and a long chain of hills
which served as a natural embankment. Quite close to th-%
north o? th i hills flowed a river. To the south of the hills,
at a little distance was another river which joined the former
to the east of the, city.
' Tin? city was surrounded by a wall about a mile and
a half in circumference. On a brick wall about 20 feet
hiirh was raised a second brick wall of half that height,
pierced by square loop-hoi \s. On the walls were placed
wooden boards supporting many-storied pavillions, on tho
roof of which again arose towers varying in height from
40 to 70 feet. The first impression that these structures
gave was that of an owl, which, with its tail turned towards
the wind and touching the mountains and the clouds, was
looking towards the water, but would soon, by a leisurely
flight, asc md to the highest peak of the mountains. The
architecture was admiral)!-.' but showed lack of skill.
1. B. E. F. vol. XIV. No. 9, p. '23 ff.
20 THE CHAMS
' There were four gates in the walls. The main gate
was on the east. It opened near two islands in the river
Houai. The western gate opened on a double ditch which
turned to the north and reached a hill The southern gate like-
wise opened on a double ditch. The northern gate opened
on the river Houai but the route was closed.
'Within the walls were a small enclosure, assembly rooms
and brick palaces the walls of which had no opening to the
south.
4 There was a palac^, opening to the east, of which the
loose pieces supporting the rafter looked like the tail of an
owl. The gates were sculptured in open-work and painted
in blue, the passages were coated with red varnish and the
rafters were adorned with stone. There were other rafters,
rectangular or round, all being carved in old style. On the
pavillions and the palaces were columns rising to a height of
15 feet above the ramparts. The walls were besmeared
with cowdung which gave them a green and brilliant look.
There were eight temples of varying degrees of importance,
and also temples for worshipping the spirits. The storey ed
terraces and the belvederes looked like Buddhist monuments.1
M. Aurousseau has tried to trac^ from the existing ruins
at Tra Kieu som 3 features of the city as described in the
above extract.8
1. Ibid pp. 21-23.
Chapter III.
EARLY HINDU DYNASTIES.
The successful raids into the Chinese territory and the
establishment of a powerful kingdom testify to the growth of
a new spirit in the Chams towards the second century A. D.
This is easily explained byepigraphic records. The Vo-Chanh
Bock Inscription ( No. 1 ) refers to the royal family of £ri
Mara, and its royal author is styled as the " delight of the
family of $rl Mara ". The inscription is not dated, but may
be referred, on palaeographic grounds, to the second or third
century A. D. Thus a Hindu or Hinduised dynasty was foun-
ded by Sri Mara in the second century A. D., and it was ruling
over the region, later known as Kauthara, about the second or
third century A. D.
The coincidence in date makes it almost certain that the
regeneration of the Cham power in the second century A. D.
was due to the introduction of anew element in her politics, Viz.
the Indian colonists.
From this time forward until the conquest of the country
by the Annamites in the 15th. century A. D. the Chams, as
such, never played any distinctive part in the political history
of the country. They cheerfully submitted to their foreign
masters and adopted their manners, customs, language and
religion. They were politically merged in the Indian elements
and there was a complete cultural fusion between the two races.
The Indians must have been acquaint3d with Champa
by way of trade and commerce, long before they established
thoir political supremacy in that region. The general ques-
tion about the nature and antiquity of Indian colonisation
in the Far East will be fully discussed elsewhere. Hare we
may confine ourselves to the traditions which the later Hindu
kings of Champa preserved about their origin. Th? Dong
22 THE HINDU DYNASTY
Duong (No. 31) Stelae Inscription of Indravarman II., dated 797
fSaka, describes how Uroja, apparently the first king, was sent to
the earth by &va himself. Three other inscriptions (Nos.
22, 29 A, and 71) refer to a king Vicitra-Sagara who flouri-
shed in the year 5911 of the Dvapara age or about 1,779,357
B. C. Uroja is evidently a mythical conception and Vicitra-
Sagara, too, belongs to the same category.
The first historical Hindu King, so far known, is, how-
ever, £rl Mara who, as we have seen above, established a
dynasty about the second C3ntury A.D. Maspero has proposed
to identify this Sri-Mara with the Kiu Lien of the Chinese his-
tory referred to above. This is probable, but thero is as yet no
evidence in support of it.
Nothing is known about th? early Hindu kings of
Champa, but the troublesome events in China which brought
about the downfall of the imperial Han dynasty in 220
A. D. must have offered them a splendid opportunity to extend
and consolidate their kingdom. The dismemberment of the
Chinese empire into three parts ( 220-265 A.D. ) emboldened
them to cross the frontier and carry their raids far into the
Chinese territory. Some time between 220 and 230 A.D.
the king of Champa sent a diplomatic mission to the Gover-
nor of Kiac-Tche on th3 invitation of the latter; neverthe-
less, in 248 A.D. the Cham army made a naval attack, ravaged
even the provincial capital, Kiao-tche ( Hanoi ) with several
other towns, and defeated the fleet that was sent against them.
At last a treaty was concluded by which the district of K'iu-
Sou corresponding to Modern Thua-Thien was ceded to
Champa1.
1- According to M. Aurousseau the whole of Ciieou-ling was
ceded to Champa (Ibid p. 27), but Muspero is of opinion
that only the the |r>uthern part of the district, including
the capital K'iu-sou was ceded to the Charas, the northern
ANCIENT HISTORY OF CHAMPA 23
The Chinese history has preserved the names of several
kings of this period. Each of these names begins with Fan,
probably corresponding to ' Varman ', which was the
epithet of every Cham king in later times.1 King Fan Hiong
who succeeded to the throne of Champa sometime between
270 and 280 A.D. was probably a descendant of £rl Mara by
the female line. He continued the policy of extending the
Cham territory to the north at the cost of the Chinese. He
allied himself with the king of Fou-Nan ( in Cambodia ) for
this purpose, and continually ravaged the Chinese possessions
in Tonkin. For ten years th^ struggle went on, and the Chines3
were reduced to great straits. At last peace was established
in 280 A.D., probably on terms unfavourable to the Chinese.
Faa-Yi, the son of Fan Hiong, succeeded him on the
throne. He had a long and peaceful reign and devoted hia
energies to increasing the military power and strengthening
the defensive works of the kingdom. He was the first Cham
king to send an embassy to the Imperial court of China
( 284 A.D. ).
Fan-Yi died in 336 A.D..2 On his death the throne was
usurped by his commander-in-chief Fan Wen. Wen is said
to have been originally a Chinese slave and owed his fortune
to miracles.3 It appears that he enjoyed the complete confi-
dence of his royal master, and taking advantage of his old age
part still remaining: in the hands of the Chinese; this por-
tion of Cheou-ling together with Wou-lao were conquered
by Champa in the time of Fan Wen.
B. E. F. vol. XVHL No. 3, pp. 24-25.
1. B. E. F. vol. IV, p. 194.
2. According to some authorities, in 331 A. D., (B. E. F. vol.
IV p. 382, fn (5). )•
3. cf. the story as given in B. E. F. vol. XIV, No. 9, p 17.
24 THE HINDU DYNASTY
induced him to exile one of his two sons. The other, too, fore-
stalled his fate, and left the kingdom. Thus when the king
died, the legitimate heirs were far away. But Wen found
them out and had them poisoned. After thus removing all
possible claimants, he ascended the throne and proclaimed
himself king of Champa.
Wen was a capable ruler and soon made himself the
undisputed master of the whole kingdom by defeating the
savage tribes who formed independent states within the
kingdom. In 340 he sent an envoy to the Chinese emperor
with a request that the Hoan Sonh mountains should be recog-
nized as the frontier between the two states.1 This would have
meant the cession of the fertile province of Nhu't-Nam
(corresponding to Thua Thien, Quang Tri and QuangBinh)
to Champa and naturally the Chinese emperor refused the
request. But Wen decided to take by fores what he could
not gain by diplomacy. The people of Nhu't-Nam were muti-
nous on account of the exactions of the Chinese governor.
Taking advantage of this situation Fan Wen led an expedi-
tion in 347 A.D., and conquered Nhu't-Nam. H 3 killed the
governor of the district and made an offering of his body in
an expiatory sacrifice. The Chinese governor made great
preparations against Wen, but the latter took the offensive
and captured Cu'n Due, putting to death a large number of
Chinese soldiers who garrisoned it (348 A.D.). In 349 he
again defeated a vast Chinese army ; but he was himself
wounded in the fight, and died the same year. Fan Wen
thus carried his conquests to the " Porto de Annam ", and the
kingdom of Champa now exactly corresponded to the
old Chinese provinc3 of Je-Nan, and reached its furthest
limit to the north.
1. Either on this or on another occasion Fan Wen wrote a
letter to the Chinese emperor in Indian characters.
ANCIENT HISTORY OF CHAMPA 25
Wen was succeeded by his son Fan Fo ( 349-80 A, D. ).
He wanted to emulate his father's exploits and laid siege to the
chief town of the Chinese district of Cu'u-Chon. He was,
however, defeated and had to accept a disgraceful treaty in
351. But within a short time he again renewed hostilities.
In 353 the Chinese sent another expedition against him and
reconquered Nhut-Nam. But the struggle did not end there.
As soon as the Chinese returned to thoir country the Chains
renewed their excursions. At last the Chinese inflicted a seve-
re defeat upon Fan Fo in 358 and advanced upto the very
walls of the city of Champa. In 359 a treaty was concluded
by which tli3 district of Nhut Nam, as far as the Bay of On
Gang, was ceded to the Chinese. Fan Fo faithfully observed
the treaty till his death in 380, and sent his ambassadors with
tribute to the Chinese Emperor in 37*2 and again in 377.
Fan-Hou-ta, the son of Fan Fo, was very young when he
ascended the throne on the death of his father »n 380. But
aa soon as he came to ag3 he revived the ambitious project of
his father. The whole of his reign was an almost unceasing
struggle against the Chinese. The times were favourable to
him. The imperial Tsin dynasty was in a decadent condi-
tion, and revolts broke out throughout the Chinese empire.
So Fan-Hou-ta scored some successes at first. He not only
recovered Nhut Nam but carried his arms even further to ths
north, as far as Than Hoa. But in 413 A. D., Tou Houei-tou,
the Chinese governor of Kiao-tche ( Hanoi ), arrived at Kieou-
tchen (Than-hoa) and defeated Fan-Hou-ta in a pitched battle.
Two (or one according to some version) sons of the latter fell
into his hands and wore beheaded. Tou-Houei-tou then laid
siege to Than-hoa. He occupied the top of the hills overlook-
ing the city and barricaded the course of the river by means
of hedges of trees. Exciting attacks and counter-attacks took
place almost under the ramparts of the city, and the Chinese
26 THE HINDU DYNASTY
governor retreated, after killing and wounding lots of enemies,
but without apparently being able to take the city.1
The end of Fan-Hou-ta is not known with certainty.
There is no doubt that he was a great general and increased
the power and prestige of his kingdom to a very great extant,
after the late reverses. One of the most important works done
by him was the fortification of the city of Kiu-sou which the
Chams had conquered in 248 A. D. The identification of the
city of Kiu-sou had long been a difficult problem. But M.
Aurousseau is probably right in his hypothesis that it occupied
the site which is now covered by ruins immediately to the
south-east of Hue. This city occupied a very important posi-
tion from the point of view of military strategy. It was situa-
ted between two rivers which mat at the foot of its ramparts, and
was surrounded by high hills on three sides. Situated 400 li
(about 70 miles) to the north of th^ capital, it command 3d ths
routs which every Chines3 army had to follow in an expedi-
tion against Champa. Fan-Hou-ta fully raalis3d ths impor-
tance of the city and converted it into one of the strongest cit-
adols in his kingdom. For obvious reasons the citadol of Kiu-
sou, which was renamed by the Chams as Si-Kiuan, figures
largely in the Chinese historical texts. These give a very
graphic description of the fortified city. The ramparts round
the city, we are told, measured more than a mile, and liad
thirteen gates. The plinth of these remparts was made of a
brick course, 20 feet deep. Upon this was raised a brick wall
10 feet high, pierced by square loopholes. Upon the bricks
rested five-storeyed wooden structures supporting high towers
1. This interesting information is famished by Lia-yi-k if
a text composed probably towards the close of the fifth
century A. D.
(B E. F. vol. XIV No.9, p. 14).
ANCIENT HISTORY OF CHAMPA 27
on their roofs. The height of these towers varied botween
50 and 80 feet. The outer walls of the fortified city nearly
touched the mountains which were covered with thick impene-
trable forest. On account of its military strength the war-
materials of the kingdom of Champa were stored in this city.
Mappero has suggested the identification of Fan-Hou-ta
with king Bhadravarman. This is probable but not certain.
Bhadravarman is the author of two inscriptions ( Nos. 2 and
4 ) and three other inscriptions ( noa 3, 5 and 6 ) also probably
belong io his reign. On pal geographical grounds these inscrip-
tions have been referred to the 5th century A.D. and this
agrees well with the reign-period of Fan-Hou-ta. That the
latter set the fashion of engraving records on stone clearly
follows from the Chi neso accounts. For we are told that close to
the eastern gate of his capital there was a Stelse containing a
record of his glory in barbarous character (i.e., the Indian
alphabet as modified in Champa).
Whatever we might think of this identification, Bhadra-
varman must be regarded as one of the most important kings
in ancient Champa. His full name was Dharma-maharaja
fcSrl Bhadravarman. The fmdspots of his inscriptions show
that he ruled over at least the northern and central portion
of the kingdom, the provinces of Attiaravati and Vijaya.
There are, however, reasons to suppose that his kingdom
also included the southern province of Pauduraiiga. But
the famous work, by which he was destined to be immortal,
was the erection of a temple to Siva, under the name
of BhadreSvarasvamI, at Myson. This temple became the
national sanctuary of the Chams, and the practice he
thus set on foot of calling the tutelary deity by the name of
the reigning king, came to be almost universally adopted in
later timss. We shall have occasion to refer to this temple
of Bhadrejvarasvami again and again in* course of the history
38 THE HINDU DYNASTY
of ChampS. Bhadravarman made an endowment of lands
to this temple and their boundaries are given in 3 inscriptions
(Nos. 4, 5 and 7 ) as follows : " To the east, the Sulaha moun-
tain, to the south the Great mountain, to the west, the
Kucoka mountain, and to the north, the Great River". The
great river is of course the " Song-Thu-bon " and this shows
that the boundaries described are not of the temple and its
surroundings, as was formerly supposad, but of the lands
granted to it.1 King Bhadravarman seems to have been a
scholar and it is expressly laid down in the inscription no. 4
that he was versed in the four Vedas.
According to the Chinese accounts.2 Fan-Hou-ta was
succeeded in 413 by his son Ti-Tchen. We are told that
Ti-Kai, the brother of this king, fled with his mother, and
the king could not induce them to come back. Grieved at
heart, he abdicated the throne in favour of his nephew and him-
self went to India. The departure of the king was followed
by anarchy and civil war in Champa. Ti Kai thereupon
came back and claimed the throne from his nephew who was
designated as his successor by Ti-Tchen. Wen-Ti, a brother
of Ti-Kai by the same mother but a different father, and the
minister Tsang Yin joined the combat. Civil war followed
and led to murders and rapid successions to the throne till
the dynasty was dispossessed of the kingdom of Champa
after a reign of about 80 years ( 336-420 A.D. ).
1. The northern boundary, leading to the important conclu-
sion noted in the text, is given only in the inscription No.
5 (cf. B. E. F. vol XVJH, No. 10, p. 14 \ For the detail-
ed regulations of the endowment cf. Ins. No. 4.
2. The Chinese accounts regarding the period that followed
the death of Fan-Hou-ta are very conflicting cf. B. E. J\
TO!. Iv, p. 382. fn (9).
ANCIENT HISTORY OF CHAMPA 29
Maapero has suggested the identification of Ti-Tchen
with the king Qaugaraja who is mentioned in inscription
No. 12 as having abdicated the throne in order to spend
his last days on the Ganges. The abdication of the throne
and retirement to India are certainly very striking
coincidences, and the identification, although by no means
certain, is undoubtedly very probable.
The civil war was brought to an end by the accession
of Fan Yang Mai (420 ? A D. ). His origin is unknown but
he is said to have been a son of Fan-Hou-ta, probably by a
mother of inferior rank. The relations between China
and Champa were not interrupted by the civil war. The
Chains carried on their usual raids into the Chinese terri-
tory, attended by pillage, masecre and horrible cruelties.
In the year 420 the Chinese inflicted a crushing defeat
upon the Charns, and the following year Yang Mai sent an
ambassador to the Imperial Court with a request that his
title of king of Champa be recognised by the Chinese
Emperor. Yang Mai no doubt took this step to ensure
his position in the newly gained kingdom, and his example
was followed by many of his successors.
Yang Mai died within a few years and was succeeded
by his son Tou who assumed the name of his father. The
usual frontier raids against the Chinese territory continued,
and in 431 he sent more than 100 vessels to pillage the coast
of Nhu't Nam and Cu'u Cho'n. This provoked the Chinese
governor who sent a strong expedition both by land and sea
against Champa. The Chinese army besieged K'iu-sou.
Yang Mai II had gone to marry. He hurried back by way
of sea and fell in with the Chinese fleet. His chief pilot
was struck down by an arrow and his fleet dispersed, pur-
sued by the Chinese. The Chinese fleet, however, could not
follow up the victory on account of bad weather, and
30 THE HINDU DYNASTY
retreated. Consequently their army bad also to raise the
siege and fall back (431 A.D. ).
' Yang Mai was, however, elated with the result of the
battle and his ambition knew no bounds. In 433 A. D. he sent
an envoy to the Chinese emperor asking to be appointed the
governor of Kiao Tcheou. This would have virtually meant
the cession of the province of Tonkin and was of course refu-
sed. Irritated at the refusal, Yang Mai redoubled his efforts
against Kiao Tcheou and hardly a year passed without an
invasion of the district by his troops. All the while, however,
he continued to pay his tribute regularly to the Chinese
emperor,
The Chinese emperor now decided to bring his turbulent
vassal to sente by another military expedition. The pre-
parations took three years, and in 446 A. D. the Chinese
army under T'an Ho-Tche invaded Champa. Terror now
seized Yang Mai II and he proposed a humiliating peace to the
Chinese emperor. The emperor accepted his offer and sent
instructions to his commander to conclude a treaty, if he
found Yang Mai sincere in his desire for peace. The com-
mander accordingly sent some of his officers to Yang Mai
to traat with him. In the meantime the war-party in the
court, which had lost its influence on the approach of the
Chinese army, regained its power and prevailed upon the
king to reject the proposals of peace. Yang Mai accordingly
put the Chinese envoys to prison and sent back one of them
to carry the news to their commander.
The Chinese general &t once advanced and laid seige
to Kiu-sou1 the principal stronghold of Champa. Yang
Mai sent an army in aid of Fan Fou Long who defended
the place, but although the Chams scored some successes at
1. For a description of Kiu-sou see above, pp. 26-27.
ANCIENT HISTORY OF CHAMPA 31
first, the Chinese ultimately captured the stronghold. The
general Fan Fou Long was beheaded and all the inhabitants
above the age of 15 were put to the sword. The palace
halls were inundated with blood and heaps of dead bodies
covered the court-yarJ. An immense booty of gold, silver
and various other precious objects was gained by the victors.
The Chinese continued their advance and were at last
met by Yang Mai himself at the head of au immense host.
Yang Mai placed a large number of elephants in front
of his army. This terrified the Chinese soldiers. But the
ingenuity of a Chinese general saved the situation. He
prepared numerous figures of lions by means of bamboos
and papers, and these were thrown before the elephants. The
latter took fright and fled, and in so doing threw into con-
fusion and disorder the very army they were intended to pro-
tect. Yang Mai suffered a most terrible defeat and fled from the
battlefield with his son. The victorious Chinese general
T'an Ho Tche then entered the capital Champapura in
triumph and obtained a rich booty of very precious objects.
The whole country was occupied, all the temples were sacked,
and their statues were melted for the metals contained in
them. About 100,000 pounds of pure gold were obtained
from this source. The Chinese victory was complete.
After the retreat of the Chinese army Yang Mai
came back to his capital. But the city was in ruins and
Yang Mai died in a broken heart in 446 A.D.1
Fan Yang Mai II was succeeded by his son and grand-
son. The latter, named Fan Chen Tch'eng,1 pursued a
policy of peace and sent tributes to the Chinese emperor
1. G. Maspero pats the date wrongly as 443.
(T'oung Pao 1910, p. 499).
2. cf. T'oung Pao, 1910, p. 499 fn. (4).
32 THE HINDU DYNASTY
on at least three different occasions, in 455, 45S and 472
A,D. The tributes were very rich and the emperor was
pleased to confer high honours and titles on the ambassa-
dor.
The death of Fan Chen Tch'eng was followed by a
troublesome period. Taking advantage of this a man
called Fan Tan^-Ken-Tch'ouen or Kieou Tch'eou Lo usur-
ped the kingdom. He was the son of Jayavarman king
of Fou-Nan. He had committed some crime in his country,
and, fleeing from the wrath of his royal father, took refuge
in Champa. King Jayavarman could ill brook the suc-
cess of his son in the foreign land. He sent the Bhiksu
Si5akya Nftgasena to the Chinese Emperor in order to
complain against the usurper and ask the aid of imperial
troops to punish him. The long letter which Jayavarman
addressed to the Chinese emperor on this occasion, explain-
ing the measures he proposed to adopt for driving his son
out of Champa, is a very interesting reading.1 It shows
that the Chinese emperor was tacitly looked upon as
the sovereign authority by all the states in the Far East,
and whatever the amount of actual control possessed by
him, he never ceased to exercise a political influence upon
them all. Jayavarman's endeavour, however, bore no
fruit. The Chinese emperor received the embassy cordially
and gave a very courteous reply, but he did not agree
to meddle in the affairs of Champa. On the other hand the
emperor recognised the usurper as the king of Champa
and gave him high sounding honorary titles2 by an
1. The letter has been translated in full in Pelliot's "Le Fou-
Nan" B. E. F., vol. Ill, pp. 257 ff.
2. These titles are : "General, Pacifier of the South, Com-
mander-in-chief in all the military transactions on the Sea-
coast, Kins of Champa.
ANCIENT HJSTOEY OF CHAMPA 33
Imperial Decree in 4.91 A.D. But the usurper was defeat-
ed and dethroned immediately after by Fan Tchou-Nong,
great-grandson of Fan Yan Mai II. Fan Tchou-Nong
was recognised by the Chinese emperor in 492 A.D., and
received honorary titles like his predecessor1, but his
reign was short, and he died in 498 A.D., being drowned
in the sea during a pleasure trip, or, according to some
authorities, in course of a voyage to China, He sent
ambassadors to the Chinese court in 492 and 495 A.D.
Tchou-Nong was succeeded by his son, grandson and
great-grandson, named respectively Fan Wen K'ouan
or Fan Wen Ts'an, Fan T'ien K'ai (Devnvarman ?), and
Vijayavarman. We do not know anything about them
except that they sent embassies to China and received the
same honorary titles from the emperor as their prede-
cessors. The embassy of 502 A. D. was probably sent
by Fan Wen K'ouan. Devavarman's embassies were dated
510, 512 and 514 A.D. Vijayavarman sent two embassies
in 526 and 527 A.D.
KINGS REFERRED TO IN CHAPTER III.
1.
rl Mara or ) /«•,/-, » T^ v
KiuLien } («wlO.A.D.)
2. Fan Hiong (c. 270-280 A.D. )
3. Fan-yi (c. 280 A.D.-336 A.D. )
( Son of No. 2 )
4. Fan Wen( 336 A.D.-349 A.D. )
(Commander-in-Chief of No. 3 )
1. The first portion of the title was slightly changed in his
case. It was "The Marshal, who maintains orders in
the South".
34 THE HINDU DYNASTY
5. Fan Po( 349-380 A.D.)
(Son of No. 4)
6. Fan-Hou-Ta ( Bhadravarman ? ) ( 380*413 A. D.)
(Son of No. 5)
7. Ti-Tchen ( Gangftraja ) ( 413-c. 415 A.D. )
(Son of No. 6)
( Civil War 415-420 A.D. )
8. Fan Yang Mai (420-c. 425 A.D. ?)
( Son of No. 6 ? )
9. Fan Yang Mai II (c. 425-446 A.D. )
(Son of No. 8)
10. Son of No. 9, name unknown (446-454 ?)
11. Fan Chen Tch'eng (c. 454-c. 480 A.D. )
(Son of No. 10)
12. Kieou Tch'eou Lo ( c. 480-491 AD.)
( Usurper )
13. Fan Tchou-Nong-( 491-498 A.D. )
( Great-grandson of No. 9 )
14. Fan Wen K'ouan ( c. 500-c. 508 A.D. )
(Son of No. 13)
15. Fan Tien K'ai (Devavarman ?) (c. 508-c. 520 A.D.)
(Son of No. 14)
16. Vijayavarman (c. 520 A.D.-c. 529 A.D.)
(Son of No. 15 )
Chapter IV.
THE DYNASTY OF QANQARAJA.
Vijayavarman was succeeded by ^ri Rudravarman
whose genealogy is given in the Myson stelae Inscription
(No. 12). The genealogy begins with a king Gangftrflja
who abdicated the throne and retired to the banks of the
Ganges. The breakage in the stone does not enable us
to determine his relationship with the next king Manoratha-
varman. Rudravarman was the son of a Brahmana, and
his mother's mother was a daughter of Manorathavarman.
Rudravarman was not, therefore, a direct descendant
of Vijayavarman. But, as has been suggested above, if
Garigarfija is identified with Ti-Tchen, Rudravarman would
belong to a collateral branch of the same family. Now
Gangaraja is placed at the head of the long genealogical
list in No. 12, implying thereby that he was the head of
a new family. This is made explicit in No. 20 wherein
PrakaSadharma (or Vikrantavarman ) is said to b el mg to
the ' family of GangeSvara,'1 which may be taken as an-
other form of the name Gaugaraja. It would then fol-
low that the kings of this family could lay claim to the
kingdom of Champa only by virtue of their relationship
with Gangaraja. In other words, they could not establish
any legitimate claim to the throne by their relationship
with any succeeding king.
The identification of Gangaraja and Ti-Tchen would
supply a plausible explanation of the rise of this family.
As has been narrated above, the abdication of Ti-Tchen
1. We have probably another reference to Gangaraja as the
founder of the family in the inscription no 7., where the
isolated word '* Gangesasya occurs in line 1., the rest having
been effaced.
36 THE DYNASTY OF GANGARAJA
was followed by a civil war between his nephew, whom he
designated as his successor, and various other claimants
to the throne. Manorathavarman may be regarded as the
nephew, or at any rate, as deriving his claim to the throne
from his nephew. But all this is at present pure conjec-
ture.
Some important information about Rudravarman is
obtained from inscription No. 7. We are told that Rudra-
varman belonged to the Brahma-Ksatriya family and that
during his reign the famous temple of Mah&deva, called
Bhadre^varasvami after its builder the king Bhadravarman,
was burnt by tire. The date of this calamity is given in £aka
year, but unfortunately this portion of the inscription is
badly mutilated and we can simply read " in the year
four hundred and ". Rudravarman thus ruled
sometime between 401 and 499 Saka i.e., 479 and 577 A.D.
There cannot ba any doubt, therefore, that he is to be
identified with Kao Che lu T'o Lo Pa Mo, mentioned in
the Chinese annals ( the Chinese name being equivalent
to Ku Sri Rudravarman) who sought for his investiture
from the Chinese Emperor in 529 by payment of tribute,
and renewed the tribute again in 534 A. D.
About this time the Chinese province of Kiao Tcheou
had revolted and thrown off the imperial yoke under the
leadership of Ly Bon. Rudravarman, probably incited
by the Chinese Emperor, took advantage of the situation
to conquer the province. His army was, however, defeated
by the general of Ly Bon and he had to beat retreat (541
A. D. ).
Rudravnrman was succeeded by his son Pra^astadharma
who took the name Sambhuvarman at the time of his
coronation. He is the author of the inscription No. 7. He
temole of Bhadravarman which was
ANCIENT HISTORY OF CHAMPA 37
burnt at the time of his father, and re-named the image
as £ambhu-Bhadregvara, thus adding his own name to that
of the original founder. He also confirmed the endow-
ments made to the temple by Bhadravarman. The two
embassies sent to China in 568 and 572 A.D. probably
belonged to his time.
^ambhuvarman took advantage of the weakness of
the Imperial Tch'en dynasty to stop the customary tribute,
but renewed it in 595 A. D. after the Souei dynasty was
established on the Imperial throne. But this did not save
him from a Chinese invasion. The immense booty taken
from Champa by T'an Ho Tche impressed the Chinese
with an idea of the fabulous wealth of the kingdom, and
so when the Chinese general Lieou Fang came to quell the
insurrection in Kiao Tcheou, he was ordered to advance
against Champa. The Chinese advanced both by land and
sea, and reached the estuary of Linh Giang (modern Song
Giang) in 605. ^ambhuvarman stationed his soldiers to
guard the passes which separate the valley of Linh Giang
from that of the Do Le (Tou Li). Liaou Fang defeated
them and pitched his camp on the Do Le. He then crossed
the river without difficulty and overtook the enemy a
few miles to the south. A sanguinary battle ensued. The
elephants on which the Chains mainly relied were dispersed
by the Chinese archers, and they trampled under foot the
very army they were engaged to protect, ^ambhuvar-
man fled from the battle-field and the Chinese took about
10,000 prisoners and cut off their left ears.1 Lieou Fang
pursued his victory and occupied K'iu Sou. Near about
1. It was customary in those days to cut off the left e;irs of
prisoners of war and send them as trOpbies to the Emperor.
The total number of captives could also be determined
thereby.
38 THE DYNASTY OF GANGAEAJA
this place he inflicted several more defeats upon Sambhu-
varman and reached the capital of Champa ( 605 A. D. ).
^ambhuvarman fled by sea. Lieou Fang thereupon sacked
the capital city, and put into captivity all the inhabitants
he could lay hands on. He further took the golden tablets
of eighteen kings who had ruled over Champa before
Sambhuvarman, and 1350 Buddhist works. Among his
captives were included some musicians from Fou-Nan who
carried to the Imperial court the musical arts of India.
Lieou Fang and his army suffered much on their return
journey from a disease — Beri Beri or Elephantisis — to which
the general himself fell a victim. The conquered country
was divided into three divisions, each subdivided again into
four 'prefectures', but owing to the distance and difficulty
of communication they were never effectively occupied, and
remained as part of the kingdom of Champa.
As soon as the invader had left, Sambhuvarman came back
to his capital, and to avoid further difficulties, sent an
ambassador to the Imperial Court for asking pardon.
Later on, however, taking advantage of the dynastic quar-
rels in China, he stopped the payment of tribute ; but
when Li Yuan established the T'ang dynasty (618 A. D. )
he resumed regular payment. He sent three embassies
in 623,625 and 628. Sambhuvarman was also on friendly
terms with the Khmer King Mahendra-Varman who sent
one of his ministers, Simhadeva as ambassador to the court
of Champa,
Sambhuvarman was succeeded in 629 A. D. by his son
Kandarpadharma (Fan T'eou Li of the Chinese). The king
had a peaceful reign. He kept peace with China by regu-
lar payment of tribute. On one occasion the disrespect-
ful conduct of his ambassador to the Chinese Emperor
nearly brought the two countries on the verge of war, but
ANCIENT HISTORY OF CHAMPA 39
the emperor pardoned the fault which was ' due to igno-
rance of etiquette rather than to any bad intention '. The
rich tributes of Kandarpadharma so pleased the emperor that
he wished to have a stone statue of the king close to his tomb.
The virtues of the king are referred to in eloquent terms
in verses 7 and 8 of the inscription No. 12. He is described
as "Virtue Incarnate" and Kali is said to have fled away
from his kingdom, knowing that he had nothing to expect
from a king, who was free from passions and protected his
subjects like his own sons by means of his virtues.
Kandarpadharma's son and successor Prabh&sadharma,
Fan Tchen-Long of the Chinese history, had a tragic end.
The events are thus summarised in the Chinese history.
" In 630, 631 A D. and the following years the king
Fan T'eou Li regularly paid tributes. On his death the
throne passed on to his son Fan Tchen-Long. In 645 Fan
Tchen-Long was killed with all his family by his subject
Mo-ho-man-to-kia-tou and the male descendants of the Fan
family were extinguished with him. Then the people
raised a Brahmaua, a son-in-law of king Fan T'eou Li, on
the throne. But he was deposed by the nobles who put
the daughter of Fan T'eou Li on the throne. As she was
unable to restore order, they summoned Tchou-ko Ti, son of
the paternal aunt of Fan-T'eou Li. Tchou-ko Ti came back
from Cambodge, where his father had fled after committing
a crime, married the daughter of Fan T'eou Li and was
proclaimed king. The ambassadors were sent to the
Imperial court by Tchou-ko Ti in 653, by Po-kia-cho-pa-mo
in 669, by Kien-to-ta-mo in 713, and by Lou-to-lo in 749." l
This circumstantial narrative is of great help in wad-
ing our way through the tangles of civil war and anarchy
1. B. E. F vol. IV, pp. 901-902.
40 tfHE DYNASTY OF GANGARAJA
that followed the assassination of the son of Kandafpa-
dharma.
In the first place it is quite clear that the son of
Kandarpadhattna was killed by his minister, for the Chinese
Mo-ho-man-to-kia-tou seems to correspond exactly to
Mahamantradhikrta. That the murder was the result of a
deliberate and well-laid plot to usher in a dynastic changd
is clearly proved by the fact that not only the king but
also his whole family was removed. The events that fol-
low would also make it quite clear that it was the daughter
of Fan T'eou Li on whose behalf the conspiracy was laid,
nor is it difficult to conclude that the kings of Cambodge
were the wire-pullers from behind. But the whole situa-
tion is made quite clear by the My son inscription
of PrakaSadharma (No, 12). Here the genealogy is first
of all carried down to Prabhasadharma. Then it refers
to his sister ' who was the source of welfare and prosperity
of the whole world '. We are next introduced to her hus-
band, SatyakauSikasvami, and their sons BhadreSvara-
varman, and his two younger brothers Anarigartipa and
YiSvarupa. Next we hear of J«gaddharma,-apparently a
son of Bhadresvaravarman, though the breakage in stone
does not make this point absolutely certain — who had gene
to Cambodge (and here a long digression gives us a hifctbry
of Cambodge from its foundation) owing to certain cirdum-
stances, and there mftfrled the daughter of king
I£anavarman. The issue of this marriage was Pr&k&Sa-
dharma- Vikrfi,ntavarman, king of Champft who issued the
inscription in 579 £aka (657 A. D.).
Now the scholars have found it impossible to reconcile
the Chinese annals with the data furnished by the
inscriptions. Maspero's suggested emendation has proved
ANCIENT HISTORY OF CHAMPA
41
hopeleisly wrong, while Finot has to admit that the Chinese
accounts are inaccurate in at least three essential elements.
But there ought not to be any great difficulty in reconcil-
ing the two if the essential points are borne in mind. This
may be illustrated by putting the events recorded in the
two different sources in two parallel columns.
Chinese Annals.
1. Murder of Prabhasadharma 1.
645 A. D.
2. Son-in-law of Kandarpadh- 2.
arma, a Brahmana, put
on the throne, but depos-
ed by the nobles.
3. Daughter of Kandarpa- 3.
dharma reigning alone.
4. Tchou-ko Ti returns from 4.
Cambodge, marries the
daughter of Kandar-
padharma and becomes
king. He sends embassy
in 653 A. D.
5. King Po-kia-cho-pa-mo 5.
sends embassy in 669
A. D.
Inscriptions.
Prabhasadharma,
king.
Satyakau£ika8va -
ml, son-in-law of
Kandarpadharma.
Daughter of Kan-
darpadharma,sou -
rce of prosperity
of the whole world.
Bhadre$vara Var-
man (son of2 and 3.)
Jagaddharma (son
of 4) who had
been to Cambodge
and married the
daughter of the
king there.
Prak&gadharma
(eon of 5) king in
657 A. D.
42 THE DYNASTY OF GANGAEAJA
The arrangement is confirmed by one important piece
of external evidence. The Tra' Kieu Inscription (No. 9)
tells us that the wife of Praka^adharma's great-grand-
father (Prapit&mahl) was the daughter of Kandarpadharma.
The above arrangement entirely agrees with this fact.
The only point, not a very essential one, in which the
Chinese annals are mistaken is their belief that the daugh-
ter of Kandarpadharma was married a second time to Tchou-
ko Ti, a different husband, whereas the fact seems to be
that Tchou-ko Ti (Satyakau^ikasvami) was her first husband
who had sought shelter in Cambodge after being deposed
by the nobles. It appears that Tchou-ko Ti's family had
some influence in the court of Cambodge, for his father had
taken shelter there after committing some fault in Champfl,
and his grandson was married to the daughter of the king
of Cambodge.
That the daughter and son-in-law of Kandarpadharma
were very old when they came to the throne is established
by the following genealogy of PrakftSadharma drawn up
on the authority of Tra'-kieu Inscription (No. 9).
Kandarpadharma (630-640 A. D.)
Daughter
Son
Jagaddharma
Prakfi/adharraa (657 A. D.)
Now the way in which Prakft^adharma's prowess has
been extolled in the Myson Ins. dated 657 A. D. shows that
he must have then attained at least 20 years of age. Pra-
ANCIENT HISTORY OF CHAMPA 43
kft^adharraa'fl birth therefore conld not have taken place
later than 657 A. D, If we hold that a male must be at
least twenty and a female at least sixteen before he or she
can possibly have 'an issue, the birth of the predecessors oi
Prakafodharma could not have taken place later than the
dates mentioned in the following table.
Kandarpadharma (561 A. D.)
Daughter (581 A. D.)
Son (597 A. DJ
Jagaddharma (617 A. DJ.
Kandarpadharma then mast have been at least aboiit
70 years at the time of his accession, and probably much
more than that, as we have taken only ths minimum number
of years in the above calculation.
Now, bearing the above points in mind, we may offer
the following general outline of the course of events in
the light of the Chinese and epigraphic data that we possess.
In the first place the relation ot the different actors in
the scene may be illustrated by the following table.
Rudravarman (Lu-to-lo-pa-mo)
. c ' ,
Sambliuvarman (Fan Fan Tclie) , Daughter
Kandarpadharma (Fan Teou Li)
Prabhasadharma Daughter = SatyakauSika-
(Fau Tchen Long). • svami
(Tchou-ko Ti)
c
BhaclreSvaravarman, Anahgarupa. ViSvarupa.
Jagaddharma = Sarvvftiu (daughter of Pana-
varman, king of
Cambodge.
PrakaSadharma-Yikrantavarman.
44 THE DYNASTY OF OANGARAJA
The disastrous defeat inflicted by the Chinese upon £am-
bhuvarman must have considerably weakened the authority
of the government. As usually happens, the national cala-
mity served as an opportunity to adventurers, and in this
particular instance the female line seems to have coveted the
throne as against the male line. During the long reign of
$ambhuvarman the interests of two such female Hues were
cemented by the marriage of the daughter of Kandarpadhar-
ma with the grandson ( daughter's son ) of Rudravarman. It
is probable that an attempt was already made by this party
after the death of Kandarpadharma to secure the throne, but
it proved unsuccessful, and its authors had to fly to the court
of Cambodge. But a few years later, the attempt was
renewed, and Prabhasadharma was killed with all the male
members of the family (645 A. D. ). Satyakausikasvaml at
first occupied the throne, but was driven away by the nobles,
and his wife alone ruled the state. But a female ruler was
hardly likely to cope with the difficulties of the time and
SatyakauSikasvami returned to Champa. It is extremely
likely that the king of Cambodge was really pulling the
wire from behind in all the successive events. Tiie new
party had all along been intimately associated with that court,
for the father of SatyakauSikasvami had taken refuge in the.
cor.rt of Cambodge 'after committing some fault in Champa,
as the Chinese historians put it, and Jagaddharma, the grand-
son of Satyakausikasvftmi, was married to a Cambodge
princess.
Satyakausikasvami ruled for at least eight years from
645 to 653 A. D., with an interval. Whether his son and
grandson ruled after him cannot be finally decided, but the
answer is probably in the negative, for no royal title is atta-
ched to any of them in the Myson Stone Inscription. Eveu
ANCIENT HISTORY OF CHAMPA 45
if they did, they must have very short reigns. For by 657
A. D. Praka^adharma had already ascended the throne under
the title of Vikrftntavarman.
Prakasadharma-Vikrantavarman is the author of at least
eight inscriptions, Nos. 9-16. We learn from No. 12 that in
the year 657 A. D. he established $ri-Prabhase$vara and
granted lands to the gods I^anesvara, J§rl Sambhubhadre-
svara and Sri Prabhasesvara. No. 14. records the erection
of a temple to Kuvera, while no. 16. records the donation
of a koffa to Tsftne^vara and a diadem to BhadreSvara in 687,
A. D. The attribution of three inscriptions nos. 17-19 is
doubtful. They refer to king Vikrantavarman, who may be
either PrakaSadharma — Vikrantavarman I, or Vikrantavar-
man II. It is interesting to note that he was not only devo-
ted to Siva (cf. Ins No. 10 and others noted above) but alt*o
to Visnu to whom he erected a temple (No. 11 ).
Prakasadharrna seems te have been at peace with the
Imperial court of China. He first sent tributes during the
period 650-656 A. D., and at least four more embassies were
sent in 657, 669, 670 and 686 A. D. He must have had a
long reign extending over more than 31 years (656-687 ).
We have no precise knowledge about the successor of
Praka$acHiarma — Vikrantavarman I. The inscription No.
21 records that Praka^adharma intended to build a vedl of
stone, but this was actually constructed by Naravahanavar-
man. The inscription then proceeds to record the glories of
Vikrantavarman. It would thus appear that Praka^adhar-
mn was succeeded by NaravAhanavarmauand the latter again
by Vikrantavarman. This conclusion is, however, not certain,
as Naravahanavanaan might be another name of Vikranta-
varman, bat it may be taken as a working hypothesis. The
Chinese evidence in a way confirms this. We learn from the
Chinese history that in the years 713 and 731 Kien Ta To
46 THE DYNASTY OF GANGARAJA
Mo, king of Champa sent tributes to the Chinese Emperor.
Kien Ta To Mo may be regarded as a fairly good transcrip-
tion of Vikrantavarman. Now this Vikrantavarman can
hardly be regarded as identical with PrakaSadharma — Vik-
rantavarman who sent tribute to China sometime before 656
A. D., as the interval is more than 75 years. Thus we are
to presume two kings bearing the same name Vikrantavar-
man. It is less likely, however, that the father and the son
should bear the same name, whereas it is usual for a king to
adopt the name of his grandfather. We may thus provision-
ally accept the following line of succession.
Praka^adharma- Vikrantavarman I.
Naravahanavarman
Vikrantavarman II.
The latest known date of Praka'adharma is 687 A.D.
and the earliest known date of Vikrantavarman II is 713
A.D. Naravahauavarrna's reign, therefore, falls betwe<5n
these dates. We hardly know anything about his reign.
Vikrantavarman II established an image of Laksmi in the
year 731 A.D. His conventional glory is sung in lines 8-9
of the inscription No. 21. The fragmentary inscription
No. 20 which belongs to his reign and is dated s >metime
between 708 and 717 A. D., records various donations to
a number of gods. The inscriptions Nos. 17-19 may
belong to his reign, but as already remarked above, this
is by no means certain. Vikrantavarman II regularly sent
tributes to China. As a matter of fact at least 12 embassies1
X.. Maspero says that Vikrantavarman sent tributes to the
Chinese emperor no less than fifteen times (T'oung Pao
XI, p. 524). But in the footnote he gives detailed record
of only 13 sneh embassies. Of these the first, sent in
686, must be attributed to Prakasadharma whose last
kuowu date is G87 A. I). Of the rest, those before
713 must have been sent by one or other of the three kings
Prakasadh;irma, Naravahanav.'iim in, and Vikrantavar-
man 11,
ANCIENT HISTORY OF CHAMPA 47
were sent to China from Champa in the years 691, 695,
702, 703, 706, 707, 709, 711, 712, 713 and 731 A. D. Some
of these, before 713 A. D., might have been sent by either
PrakaSadharma or Naravahanavarmft, but the majority
were probably sent by Vikrantavarman II.
Vikrantavarman II was probably succeeded by Rudra-
varman II who sent tributes to China in 749 A.D. We
do not know anything more about him. He died about
757 A. D. and with him probably ended the dynasty which
was founded by Rudiavarman I about the year 529 A. D.
The inscriptions of this dynasty are mostly found in the
neighbourhood of Myson. This may be due to the sanctity
of the temple and it is not proper to infer from it that their
power was mainly confined to that district. The fact that
one inscription (No. 8) is found in Hue and another(No.
15 ) in Khan Hoa province shows that their power extended
very nearly over the whole of the kingdom. On« of the
earliest inscriptions (No. 2) of this dynasty was found at Cho
Dinh in the province of Phu yen, and this also shows that
from the very beginning their authority extended far beyond
Myson. The epigraphical evidence undoubtedly shows that
the province of Quang Nam in which Myson is situated
was the chief stronghold of the dynasty from beginning to
end.
KINGS REFERRED TO IN CHAPTER IV.
1. Gangar&ja
2. Manorathavarman
(descended from No. 1)
3. Rudravarman (c. 529 A.D.— c. 565 A. D.)
(Son of the daughter's daughter of No. 2J
48 THE DYNASTY OF GANGARAJA
4. S"atabhuvarman (c. 565 A.D.— 629 A.D.)
(Son of No. 3J
5. Kandarpadharma (629 A D.— c. 640 A. D.)
(Son of No. 4;
6. Prabhasadharma fc 640 A. D.— 645 A. D J
(Son of No. 5)
7. SatyakiuSikasvaml (Daughter's"
son of No. 3 and son-in-law
of No. 5)
8. Daughter of No. 5 and wife of }» (645 A.D.-653 A.D.
No. 7. |
7. SatyakauSikasvami ( a second j
time ). J
9. BhadreSvaravarman (?) (Son "j
of Nos. 7 and 8) \ (653 A.D.-655 A.D.
10. Jagaddharma (?) (Son of No. 9). J
11. PrakaSadharma-Vikrantavarman I (c. 655 A.D. —
c. 690 A. D )
(Son of No. 10;
12. Naravahanavarman ( ?) (c. 690 A.D.— c. 710 A.D.)
(Son of No. 11?)
13. Vikrftntavarman II (c. 710 A. D.— 730 A. D. ?)
(Son of No. 12 ? ;
14. Rudravarrnan II ( 730 (?) A. D.— 757 A. D.)
Chapter V.
THE DYNASTY OF PANDURANGA.
After Rudravarman II the kingdom of Champa passed
on to a new dynasty. As all the inscriptions of this dynasty
come from the Kauthara region in the south, they probably
originally belonged to that quarter. But from the very
beginning they seem to have exercised suzerainty over the
entire kingdom.
The founder of this dynasty is named Prthivl-
ndravarman.1 A brief reference is made to him
in the Glai Lamov Inscription (No. 24), vv 2-5. We are
told that he ' enjoyed the lands by having conquered all his
enemies by his own power'. This seems to ahow that he owed
the kingdom to his military genius. As we shall see, there
are epigraphic references to more than one raid of Champa
by the Javanese fleet within half a century of his accession.
The Chinese history also contains reference to a raid as
1. Maspero attributes the title "Rudraloka" to this king on
the authority of Ins. No. 24, verse 5. This verse, however,
merely says 'that the king went to "Rudraloka" i.e, died,
and I do not think that '"Rudraloka" may be regarded as
a posthumous title. (Toung Pao. 1910, pp. 549-550). For
a similar expression cf. verse 10, of the Glai Lamov Ins.
(No. 24).
Maspero farther says that the throne was offered to
Prthivindravarman by the nobles, but I do not find any
authority for this statement' (Ibid). The verse (No. 31,
B. VI) on which he relies is difficult to construe. I
doubt if Prthivindravarman of that verse can be taken
to refer to a king of a different dynasty who died more
than 100 years ago. But even then it does not justify
Maspero's assumption.
50 THE DYNASTY OF PANDURANGA
early as 767 A.D.1 It is likely that the invasion of the
Javanese fleet overthrew the last dynasty and Prthivmdra-
varman owed the kingdom to his success against these naval
marauders. But whatever may be the circumstances to
which he owed his throne, the inscription tells us that 'he
enjoyed the whole of Champa* (No. 24 A. V. 3). The king
is said to have destroyed all the thieves. This probably
means that there were disorders consequent upon the over-
throw of the last dynasty and king Prthivmdravarman
effectively checked them. He enjoyed a long reign and
died sometime before 774 A.D., the earliest known date of
his successor king Satyavarman. King Satyavarman was
the nephew (sister's son) of king Prthivladravarman. He
issued the Po-Nagar stelss inscription (No. 22) and we know a
great deal about him from the Glai Lamov Inscription
(No. 24) of his younger brother Indravarman, and the Po-
Nagar inscription of his sister's son, king Yikrautavarman
(No. 29 A.).
The chief event in the reign of the king was the raid of
the Javanese sea-men who devastated the land, and in parti-
cular destroyed a temple containing a Mukhalihga. There
was a halo of sanctity around the temple as popular tradi-
tion ascribed its foundation to a king Vicitrasagara ' in the
year 5911 of the Dvfcpara Yuga' ( No. 29). In the year 774
A. D. the Javanese — " vicious cannibals coming from other
countries by means of ships/' — burnt this temple and carried
away the image together with all the properties of the temple.
King Satyavarma pursued these marauders in his own ships
and inflicted a crushing defeat upon them. But the object
of the pursuit was not fully realised and king Satyavarman
was very much dejected to learn that the ^ivamukha, to-
1. T'oung Pao, 1910 p. 550.
ANCIENT HISTORY OF CHAMPA 51
gether with its property which was in the enemy ships, was
thrown into water, and that the &ivaliziga was destroyed
( No. 22 ). The victorious king, unable to recover the old
image, installed a new ^ivaraukhalihga, together with images
of other deities, in the year 784 A. D. and gave rich en-
dowments to the god. For this reason he came to be regard-
ed as the second Vicitrasagaraoran incarnation of that king.
Conventional praises are bestowed on the king in verses
6-9 of the Glai Lamov Inscription (No. 24), but no other
specific event of his reign is mentioned. We are expressly
told in verse 10 of the same inscription that he died without
reigning for a long time, and we may therefore put the end
of king Satyavarman's reign shortly after 784 A. D. King
Satyavarman was succeeded by his younger brother Indra-
varman. He is the author of the YangTikuh and Glai Lamov
Inscriptions (Nos. 23 and 24) in which his glory is sung in
most extravagant terms. He is said to have fought with
many enemies and ruled over the whole of Cliampft.1 The
chief event in his reign, like that of his predecessor, was
a raid of Javanese sea-men. In the year 787 A. D. they
burnt the temple of Bhadradhip&tiSvara, a celebrated deity
of the kingdom, who was regarded as having been establish-
ed there fur many thousands of years ( No. 23). King Indra-
varma re-installed the deity under the name of Indrabhadre-
6varo,, and endowed it with various treasures in the year
799 A. D. In addition to this, king Indravarmft endowed
many other pious establishments. He at first installed Indra-
bhogesvara at Virapura. He then installed in the excellent
Maspero thinks that it is by defeating the enemies that he
came to rule over Champa. That does not, however,
seem to be a fair deduction from the vague, general
expression of his victory over enemies with which the
two inscriptions abound.
52 THE DYNASTY OF PANDURANGA
house of Satyavarmft (i. e. in a temple erected by that king)
tho god IndraparameSvara, and endowed him with various
riches in 801 A. D. Lastly, Indravarma made a rich donation
of all kinds of treasures to the god Sankara-Nar&yana ( i. e.
$iva and Hari united in one body ).
A verse in Yang Tikuh Inscription ( No. 23, V. 3 and
footnote ) has been taken to mean that Indravarma carried
on wars in the north, north-east, ea?t, south-east and south,
and Maspero has based important conclusions upon it, loca-
ting the countries in the various directions implied in the
passage. The verse does not, however, seem to bear that
meaning at all.
Indravarman renewed the relations with China and
sent presents of rhinoceros and buffaloes to the emperor in
793 A. D.
Indravarman was succeeded by his brother-in-law ( sister's
husband ) Harivarman. Hi« full name was Vlra Jaya Sri
Harivarmadeva and he assumed the proud title of ' Raja 1 hi -
raja Ȥri-Champa-pura-Paramegvara ', king of kings, Lord of
Champ A. Three inscriptions of .his time are known to us
( Nos. 25-27 ). In one of th?m ( No. 2G ) he is said to have de-
featad the Cinas. From the Chinese history we know that in
January 803, a king of Champa conquered the two Chinese
districts of Hoan and Ai, and renewed the expedition again
in 809 JLD. But the Chinese governor forced him to retreat
after inflicting a crushing defeat upon him, and wreaked his
vengeance upon the people of the two districts who helped
the king of Champft. The king referred to in the Chinese
annals is almost certainly Harivarman, though it is not easy
to decide what was the* extent of his success against the
imperial forces.
Harivarman entrusted his son Vikr&ntavarman with
the government of P&n^urauga district (modern Phanrang),
ANCIENT HISTORY OP CHAMPA 53
but as he was too young for the responsible post, he was placed
in charge of a general named Par \ This general led an
expedition against Cambodge on behalf of hjs young master,
and 'ravaged the towns of the Kambujas '. Whether it was
a mere border raid, or anything more serious than that, we
have no means to determine. A fragmentary passage of the
Po-Nagar inscription (No. 2G) sterns to indicate that he carried
his arms into the heart of Cambodg5 5. But the fame of the
general did not rest upon his victories alone. Ho was equally
renowned for his religious establishments. A famous tompld
of Bhagavatl in Kauthara remained empty for a long tini3,
probably the image was carried away by the Javanese marau-
ders. General Par made a new stone image of the goddess,
and in the year 817, erected three new temples for the Lii\ga
of Sandhaka, Sri Vinayaka and £ri-Ma]a:la-kuthara. He also
made various other minor donations.
The known dates of Harivarman are 813 A. D. and
817 A. D. If the Chinese expeditions referred to above have
baen correctly attributed to him, he must have ascended the
throne before 801 A. D. As the last known date of Indravar-
man is 799 A. D. the year 800 A. D. may be looked upon as the
date of his accession.
Harivarman was succeeded by his son Vikrantavannan
III, who was the noplnw (sister's son) of the two kings Satya-
1. The reading of this name is doubtful. I have adopted
the reading of Finot (B. E. F. vul, III. p. 037. note 2.).
2. Maspero minimises the importance of this raid on the
ground that no Cambodian document describes Jayavar-
man II, the contemporary king of Cambodge, as being
vanquished by the Ch»ms (T'oung Pao 1910, p. 56; ) But
as the inscriptions of a country ^ery seldom refer to
revoTsos sustaineU by its kings, no importance need be
attached to such silence in the piesent case.
54 THE DYNASTY OF PANDURANGA
varma and Indravarma. As related above, he was entrusted
with the government of Panduarauga by his father and was
placed in charge of general Par. He is the author of four
inscriptions found at Po-Nagar (Nos. 29 A, 29 B, 29 C, 30).
Conventional praises are bestowed on him in the last, while all
the four describe his religious endowments. Among others,
he granted a field to &i Vikranta-RudreSvara in 854 A. D.,
and subsequently another to t^ri Vikranta-devAdhibhave^vara.
He also established a Mahadeva and richly endowed the god.
Yikrantavarman III died without issue and with him
ended the dynasty founded by Prthivlndravarman. As al-
ready remarked above the epigraphic evidence shows that
the dynasty had its stronghold in the south, and it has bsen
styled the dynasty of Pandurariga.
It held sway for about a century from the middle of the
eighth to the middle of the ninth century A.D.
It has baen suggested1 that the capital was removed
from Champa to Virapura during the rule of this dynasty.
There does not, however, seem to b:i sufficient evidence for
this assumption. For the only tiling we know about the
town is that ssveral images of gods were established thera by
Indravarman. On ths other hand, the fact that Harivarman
is styled as lord of the city of Champa seems to indicate that
Champa was still the official capital. Further, if we remember
that the government of Panduranga was entrusted by Hari-
varman to his son, we must hold that th3 main soat of th? govern-
ment was far to the north. All these, however, in no way
invalidate the conclusion, stated at th3 beginning, that the dynas-
ty might have originated from Pandurariga.
1. Maspero in Tonng pao, 19 0, p. fj5(J. Maspero says that
the temple of Bhadradiiipfttisvara was "to th« went of
the town of Virapura,'. The inscription (No. 23 V. 5),
imurnvflr. sirnnlv refers to town and not to Viropura*
ANCIENT HISTOEY OF CHAMPA 55
It is also a noteworthy fact that throughout this period
the Chinese substituted the name Houan Wang for Lin-yi
to denote the kingdom of Champa. After the downfall of
this dynasty Houan Wang was replaced by Tch'eng Cheng
which is undoubtedly the Chinese transcription of Champa.
It is difficult to explain the meaning of the new term Houan
Wans \
KINGS REFERRED TO IN CHAPTER V.
1. Prthivindravarman (c. 758 A. D.— 773 A. D).
2. Satyavannan (c. 773 A. D.— 785 A. D.).
(Sistsr's son of No. 1.).
3. Indravarman I (785— c. 800 A. D.).
(Younger brother of 2).
4. Harivarman (c. 800 A. D.— c. 820 A. D.).
(Sister's husband of No. 3).
5. Vikrantavarman III (c. 820 A. D.— 860 A. D.).
(Sister's son of Nos. 2 and 3).
1. T'oung Pao, 1910, pp. 547 ff.
Chapter VI.
THE BHRQU DYNASTY.
The new dynast}' that supplanted the old seems to have
been founded by Indravarman II, though we are not quite
certain on this point. The Dong Duong Inscription (No. 31 ),
issued by this king in 875 A. D. gives the following account
of the family.
"From the son (or family) of Paramos vara was born
Uroja, the king of the world. From him was born the fortunate
and intelligent Dharmarfija.
" From him was boru the intelligent king Sri Kudravar-
ma. The son of the latter was the far-fanrnl king Sri Bliad-
ravarma.
"The son of Sri Bhadravarmfi, known as Sri Indrnvarnmn,
has become the king of Champfi through the grace of Mahos-
vara.
" Thus the sovereignty of tlio king was transmitted in its
entirety from those kings ( lit. sons). It was not given by the
grandfather or the father.
" By the special merit of his austerities, and by virtue of
his pure intelligence lr- gained ( the kingdom ), not from his
grandfather or father. "
(Versos No. .SI. P.. \X-±1 )
The last verse is echoed again in a pros'* passage "Sri Java
Indravarma Maharajadhirfija bjcarne king of Champa by vir-
tue of peculiar merits accruing from austerities of many pre-
vious births" ( Ins. p. 87 )
Now as to the genealogy of Indravarrna, it is traced from
Mahadova, and thus a divine origin is attributed to the family.
Elsewhere th" family is referred to as the ' Bhrgu family
(No. 42, v. <S; No. ;*(J, v. 10 ) evidently because of the mytho-
ANCIENT HISTORY OF CHAMPA 57
logy contained in No. 31, according to which Bhrgu was sent
to Champa by Mahade va himself. The next king Uroja also
belongs to the category of mythical kings, for he is elsewhere
( No. 31, A. 10, ) described as a god sent down to the earth by
Mahade va. As to the third king, Dharmaraja, it is doubtful
whether he is a historical figure, or belongs to the category of
divine or mythical beings. It may be noted that his name
does not end in ' varman' which is almost the invariable custom
of the kings of Champa at this period. Further, it is some-
what singular that whereas Indravarnian is said to be the son
of Bhadravarman, and the latter the son of Rudravarman, the
last named king is simply said to have baen born from Dhar-
maraja; similarly Dharmaraja is simply said to have been born
from Uroja. Of course ordinarily such expressions indicate
the relation of son and father, but here the obvious contrast
in tho two s^ts of expressions may be taken to mean that
Rudravarman was merely desc?nded from Dharmaraja and
not his son.1 In short we shall be on the safe side if we look
upon the last three kings alone as historical figures viz.
Rudravarma
Bhadravarma
Indraviirma
Now both Rudravarma and Bhadravarma ara explicitly
referred to as kings. It would then follow that the royal
dynasty to which Indravarnm belonged was founded by Rud-
ravarrna, and the former inherited the throne of his father
and grandfather. Strangely enough, this is exactly the con-
clusion against which we ara warned by the king himself, who
declares, in no uncertain voic^, that he did not inherit the
throne from his father or grandfather, but gained it through
1. These arguments hnve heen elaborated by Finot. (B. E*
F- rol IV. pp. 90 if).
58 THE BHRGU DYNASTY
the grace of MaheSvara, by virtue of his meritorious acts in
previous births ( cf. the last four verses quoted above ).
It is a very hard task to reconcile these conflicting state-
ments. Finot supposes that the grandfather of the king
(i. e. Rudravarma) had probably usurped the throne by mur-
dering the legitimate king, and hence Indravarman, unwilling
to base his claim to the throne on this criminal act, referred
to his own austerities and grace of MaheSvara as forming
sufficient claims thereto.1 This is no doubt a possible view,
but a b?tter explanation seems to b? that Rudravarman and
Bhadravarman were local kings, and it was Indravarman who
first made himself the master of Champa. Thus although
descended from a line of kings he did not owe the kingdom
of Champa either to his father or to his grandfather, but only
to his own meritorious acts. That kings Rudravarman and
Bhadravarman were historical personages we gather from
Hoa Que Inscription (No. 39 C.) and An-Thai inscription
(No. 37). The last named inscription further proves that
Bhadravarman actually ruled in the Quang Narn district and
made donations to a Buddhist monastery. There is nothing
to support Maspero's view that Vikrantavarman III, having
no children, recommended Indravarman to the principal citi-
zens who sought him out and placed him on the throne of
Champa .*
1. Ibid.
2- The expressions "Sandarsita" (No. 31 B, v. II) and
"Mahajanavarair-anugamyamanah" (Ibid, v. 9.) have
led Fiaot to suppose that king Indravarman was "nomi-
nated by the king" and proclaimed by the citizens'
(Ibid p. 97). The passage*, however, do not seem to me
capable of yielding this interpretation.
's view is apparently based upon that of
ANCIENT HISTORY OF CHAMPA 59
In any case Indravarman II. seems to be the first notable
king of this dynasty. He was originally called "SriLaksmmdra
Bhumlwara Gramasvamin"1, and on gaining the sovereignty
of Chamjm, he assumed the title ' Sri Jaya Indravarma Maha-
rajadhiraja '. He married his aunt, a niece of his grandfather
Rudravarman III (Hoa Que Ins. No. 39). The Dong Duong
Inscription praises him in extravagant terms, and commemo-
rates the erection of a monastery and a temple for Svabhayada,
i. e. Buddha. This is very interesting, for it shows that the
king had leanings towards Buddhism. But he had of course
the traditional faith in fiaivism. For the inscription not only
roi'ers tu a Sivalinga made by him (No. 31 B. V. 3), but also
contains a long invocation of the god Sambhubhadresvara
(No. 31 A. V. 10). This god is already familiar to us, and
we have seen above that it was erected by Bhadravarmau
about 400 A. !)., destroyed by fire, and re-installed by his suc-
cessor ^ambhuvarman. Indravarman II, however, completely
ignores theso historical facts and gives an altogether different
story about its origin. He says in effect that the sage Bhrgu
got the Hugo, from Mahadeva himself, while Uroja got it from
Bhrgu and installed it at Champa. Thus the two mythical names
Bhrgu and Uroja are substituted for those of Bhadravarmau
and Sarnbhuvarman. Indravarman could not possibly have
Finot, but he has transformed it a great deal. Finot
apparenfciy means that Indravarman was nominated by
the king:, his father, but Maspero takes this king to bo
YikrantavarniHii, and adds two new facts viz. that Vik-
raritavarman had no children, and that the nobles of his
court \vent in search of king Imlvnvarman, nominated
by him. I do not find any authority for either of these
statements.
]. I)OTI£ Duong Ins. No, 31. B. v II. CF. B. E F-, vol. IV.
P. 97.
58 THE BHRGU DYNASTY
the grace of MaheSvara, by virtue of his meritorious acts in
previous births ( cf . the last four verses quoted above ).
It is a very hard task to reconcile these conflicting state-
ments. Finot supposes that the grandfather of the king
(i. e. Rudravarma) had probably usurped the throne by mur-
dering the legitimate king, and hence Indravarman, unwilling
to base his claim to the throne on this criminal act, referred
to his own austerities and grace of MaheSvara as forming
sufficient claims thereto.1 This is no doubt a possible view,
but a b?tter explanation seems to b? that Rudravarman and
Bhadravarman were local kings, and it was Indravarman who
first made himself the master of Champa. Thus although
descended from a line of kings he did not owe the kingdom
of Champa either to his father or to his grandfather, but only
to his own meritorious acts. That kings Rudravarman and
Bhadravarman were historical personages we gather from
Hoa Que Inscription (No. 39 C.) and An-Thai inscription
(No. 37). The last named inscription further proves that
Bhadravarman actually ruled in the Quang Nam district and
made donations to a Buddhist monastery. There is nothing
to support Maspero's view that Vikrantavarman III, having
no children, recommended Indravarman to the principal citi-
zens who sought him out and placed him on the throne of
Champa .*
1. Ibid.
2» The expressions "Sandarsita" (No. 31 Rt v. II) and
"Mahajanavarair-anugamyamanah" (Ibid, v. 9.) have
led Fiaot to suppose that kinglndravarmau was "nomi-
nated by the king" and proclaimed by the citizens'
(Ibid p. 97). The passages, however, do not HUOIU to mo
capable of yielding: this interpiotntion.
Maspeio's view is apparently based upon that of
ANCIENT HISTORY OF CHAMPA 59
In any case Indravarman II. seems to be the first notable
king of this dynasty. He was originally called "SrlLaksmmdra
BhumlSvara Gramasvamin"1, and on gaining the sovereignty
of Champa, he assumed the title ' Sri Jaya Indravarma Maha-
rajadhiraja '. He married his aunt, a niece of his grandfather
Rudravarman III (Hoa Que Ins. No. 39). The Dong Duong
Inscription praises him in extravagant terms, and commemo-
rates the erection of a monastery and a temple for Svabhayada,
i. e. Buddha. This is very interesting, for it shows that the
king had leanings towards Buddhism. But he had of course
the traditional faith in Saivisrn. For the inscription not only
refers to a Sivalinga made by him (No. 31 B. V. 3), but also
contains a long invocation of the god SambhubhadreSvara
(No. 31 A. V. 10). This god is already familiar to us, and
we have seen abovo that it was erected by Bhadravarmau
about 400 A. 1)., destroyed by fire, and re-installed by his suc-
cessor Sambhuvarman. Indravarman II, however, completely
ignores these historical facts and gives an altogether different
story about its origin. He says in effect that the sage Bhrgu
got the liuga from Mahadeva himself, while Uroja got it from
Bhrgu and installed it at Champa. Thus the two mythical names
Bhrgu and Uroja aro substituted for those of Bhadravarmau
and Sambhuvarman. Indravarman could not possibly have
Finot, but he 1ms transformed it a great deal. Finot
apparently means that Indravarman was nominated by
the king, his father, but Maspero takes this king to be
Vikrautavarman, and adds two new facts viz. that Vik-
rantavarman had no children, and that the nobles of his
court went in search of kin^r Itidravarman, nominated
by him. I do not find any authority for either of these
statements.
1. Don* Duong Ins. No, :j] . B. v II. Cf. B. E P-, vol. IV.
l>. 97.
60 THE BHRGU DYNASTY
been ignorant of these kings, for their inscription recording
the installation of the linga were there before the temple.
It was then a deliberate misrepresentation on the part of
Indravarman II, actuated no doubt by a policy of ignoring
kings and dynasties from whom he could riot legitimately
claim his succ?ssion.
Besides Dong Duong Inscription two other inscriptions
(Nos. 32 and 33 l) belong to th^ reign of Indravarman II.
Phu Thuaii (No. 33) inscription simply records that the king
exempted the temple of Sii Bhagyakant-svara from taxes,
and employed four priests for daity worship th^re. From Bo
Mang inscription (No. 32) wo learn that the king d nlicat^l
a field together with slaves to Sri Mah.Uiugad^va, installed
o
by his minister named Manicaitya in the y^ar 889 A. D. Conven-
tional praises are bestowed on him in An-Thai inscription
(No. 37).
Indravarman II must have enjoyed a fairly long and
peaceful reign between 854 A. D., the date of Vikrantavar-
man III, and 898 A. D., the earliest date of his successor. His
known dates are 875 and 889 A. D. 2 So far as we know
he sant only a single- embassy to China in 877 A. D., as he had
nothing to fear from that quarter on account of its internal
conditions. Indravarman II seems to have b ;en succeeded by
Jaya Siiiihavarman.3 The relationship b jtwen the two is riot
definitely known. The Dong Duong inscription (No. 36),
however, says that the mother of king Jayashnhavarman had
a younger sister, Pov ku lyan £ii Kajakula, also known as
1. This is doubtfully attributed to Indruv.irman IT, cr No. ^3
2. To this we may possibly add 893 A. 1). (Son Introdu-Jti ^i
to the Chama Ins. No. 38).
3. This conclusion sftoins to follow from Uio Ban-l:inh Ins-
cription (N«>. •>•">), nr.d the Cln,n--K i In.s«ripit.>ii (Mo ,'iS).
ANCIENT HISTORY OF CHAMPA 61
Haradevi. Haradevi's husband was king £ri Parama-Buddha-
loka, and she installed f3ri Indraparame£vara for the sake of
religious merit of her own husband. This might be taken to
imply that the coronation-name of her husband was Indra-
varman, as the name of the gods is often fornibd by the addi-
tion of the name of the king. It may b3 held therefore that
Haradevl was tho qii3en of Indravarman II.1 According to
this view, Suiiliavarinan would b? the son of the elder sister
of Indravarmaii's queen,2 and Indravarman would have tli3
epithet of " Parama-JJuddhaloka".
We possess liv1 inscriptions belonging to the reign of Jaya
Simlmvarman (Now. 34-38 ), but tlr>y merely give a list of his
pious donations and do not contain any ref^r^ncs to political
evpnts. Only w-h^aragr >at d;al of th-3 wealth arid splendour
of Indrapura which s >?ms to have bjen the real capital of this
dynasty, although th? city of Champa is still officially recog-
nised as such.
Out of gratitude to his maternal aunt Haradevl, to whom
he owed the throne, king Jaya Siiiihavarman exempted from
taxes several temples erected by her and installed the august
goddess Harorna.
Other pious works of th^ king in the form of direct do-
nations to gods, or protection and immunity granted to temples
established by othors, are referred to in Bo-Mang (No. 34),
Ban-lanh (No. 35), An-Thai (No. 37), Hoa-Que (No. 39), and
1. Tiiis point b;is been fully discussed in tbe Introduction to/
I'onp' l>uong Inscription No. 30.
^. MtivSpero concludes from a reference t° Guhesvara in v.
2 of the Dong Duong Inscription, tluit Guhesvara was
th« name of Jftya, isimhavarman's father (T oung Pao
vol. Xll»p. tr)8). I5ut this seems to be a far-fetched
iut rprotatior.. In any c so \\iu Dame should bo Guhavar-
man and not Guhosvara.
62 THE BHBGtT DYNASTY
the fragmentary Chau-sa Inscriptions (No. 38).
It is important to note that the royal patronage vras not
confined to f5aivism alone but Buddhism also had a fair share
of it.
The queen of Jaya Simhavarman was named Tribhuvana-
Mahadevi who is praised in extravagant tarms in the Nhan-
Bieu Inscription ( No. 43 ) and whose religious donations are
referred to in the Ha-Trung inscription (No. 44). The Nhan-
Bieu inscription refers to her father's family as of very high
standing arid gives the following genealogy.
Lyan Vrddhakula
Narendradhipati Son
i i
Daughter Tnbhu vaiwdevi —
"
Pov Klun Pilih Rajadvarah
The Nhan Bieu inscription furnishes a detailed account of
Pov Klun Rajadvarah, the son of tho queen's cousin. He be-
came a favourite of king Jayasimhavarman and was sent on a
diplomatic mission to Java. The Bo-Mang inscription ( No. 34 )
makes a vague allusion to the power of the king having spread
to other lands, and this is confirmed by the diplomatic mission
sent to Java which, as we shall see, was continued by his suc-
cessors. King Jayasiuihavarinan was succ^ed'id by his eldest
son $ri Jaya^aktivarman.1 He is only referred to in t^e Nhan
Bieu Ins. (No. 43) and probably reigned for only a short time.
The earliest known date of Jayasimhavarman is 898 A. D. and
1. Jt is unnecessary to point out in detail the errors in Mas-
pero's accounts of this period. They are due partly to
the misreading of the Po-Naprar Ins. (No. 4f>) by Bertfai-
irno, thereby introducing a newkintr Hnravurm;in, and
pftrtly to tho fact that several inscriptions throwing n«w
light on this period were not yol d.scoTered.
ANCIENT HISTORY OF CHAMPA 63
that of the successor of JayaSaktivarman, 909 A. D. Jayasiin-
havarman, theref 3re, must have died sometime between 903 A. D.
his last known date, and 909 A. D. His son, too, must have died
before 909 A. D. The next king was Bhadravarman III. whose
relationship to his predecessor is not known as yet. The way
in which he is introduced in the Nhan Bieu inscription seems
to indicate that he did not occupy the throne by any unfair
means. For Instancy Pilih Rajadvarab, the son of the cousin
of Jaya S'nihavarman's queen, continued to occupy a high posi-
tion under Bhadravarrnan, as he did under his two predeces-
sors, and was again sent on a diplomatic errand to Java. This,
of cours.1, proves nothing, but gives ris^ to a fair presumption
that th-^re was no violent disturbance in the internal polity
of the kingdom.
We possess four inscriptions of the time of Bhadravarman
III. ( NOH. 39-42 ). Con volitional praises are bestowed upon
thr> king, and in particular his victories over enemies are refe-
rred to again and again. Whether these are mere eulogistic
expressions or have any historical basis to stand upon, we have
no means to determine. The Bang- An inscription ( No. 42 )
refers to the multitude of royal ambassadors coming from
different countries. The Hoa-Que Inscription ( No. 39 ) says
with reference to one of his ministers, that he was able to
understand thoroughly the meaning of m^ssag3s scmt by kings
from different countries/ The Nhan-Bieu Inscription (No.
43) states that he sent Pilih Rajadvarah on a diplomatic mis-
sion to Java. These isolated statements, occurring in different
contexts, leave no doubt that the kingdom of Champa was
now recognised abroad as an important and powerful kingdom
and took part in international politics. The first stages of
this new departure we have already not'ced in the reign of
Jaya Simhavarman.
The Hoa-Qu » inscription ( No 39) refers to an important
«4 THE BH^GTJ DYNASTY
collateral branch of the royal family which supplied high
officials to the kingdom. The founder of this family, Sartha-
vaha, was a nephew of Rudravarman III, the first king of the
dynasty, and a brother of the principal queen of Indravarman
II. His three sons Xjfta Mahasamanta, Sjna Narendra nrpa-
vitra and Sjna Jayendrapati occupied high positions in the
kingdom as ministers of king Bhadravarman. These three
brothers, together with a younger sister, called Ugradevi,1 erec-
ted an imaga of Maha Rudradeva, ' out of devotion to, and in
imitation of the features of their father/ Other religious en-
dowments of the members of the family ara also referred to in
the same inscription.
Bhadravarman erected many temples and images of gods,
a list of which is given in the Hoa-Que inscription (No. 39).
Other religious endowments are referred to in the Bang-an
inscription ( No. 42 ).
Bhadravarman must have a very short reign. His known
dates are 909 and 910 A. D. He must have died in 910 or 911
A. D. the known date of his successor. His reign, therefore,
ialls between this date and 903 A. D. the last known date of
Jaya Simhavarman. As one king intervened between the
two he did not probably reign for more than a period of five
years, 905 to 910 A. D.
Bhadravarman III. was succeeded by his son Indra\arman
1. Huber who edited the Hoa-Que inscription remarks that
Ugradevi had married a Cham king, probably Bhadravar-
man III, ;the reigning king (B. E. F. vol. XI, p. 280).
This is apparently based on his interpretation of verse
XXV] (c) 4>f the inscription. But the verse does not eon-
tain any word equivalent to "queen" so far as 1 could
see (cf. the text and translation of the inscription No. 3D).
ANCIENT HISTORY OF CHAMPA 65
III. We possess eight inscriptions of his reign ( Nos. 43-50 J.1
The king had a remarkable personality. His literary accom-
plishments are described in the Po-Nagar inscription ( No. 45 ).
He is said to have mastered the six systems of Brahmanical
Philosophy as well as the Buddhist Philosophy, the Grammar of
Pamni together with its commentary Kagika, and the Uttara-
kalpa of the k5aivites. Inspite of obvious exaggerations, the
king must be taken to have been a remarkable scholar in his
day.
1. It has been usual to distinguish between Indravarman III
and his successor Jaya Indravarman I, the last five
inscriptions (Nos. 4G-5c) being attributed to the latter.
But I do not see any reason for this distinction. Indra-
varman II, for example, is twice called Jaya Indravarman
(cf. Dong Duong Ins. No. 31, B., and Bo-Mang Inscrip-
tion'No, 32) and the same thing may hold good in the
case of Indravarman III. Besides, the Po-Nagar inscrip-
tion (No. 47) of the so-called Jaya Indravarman I refers to
the re-erection of a stone image in place of the golden one
formerly installed by the king himself (cf, yena in line 1
and its correlative sa in line 3). Now we know from No.
45 that Indravarman ULerected a golden image of Bhag&-
vati. The identity of the two may therefore be presumed
on fairly satisfactory evidence, although it cannot
be definitely proved. It may be objected that as Indra-
varman III 'ascended the throne in 910 or 911 A. D.
and the last known date of Jaya Indravarman is 971 A.D.
the identification of the two would lead us to presume an
unusually long reign. But as the Lai-trung Inscription
(No. 46) of Jaya Indravarman'^1 is dated 918 or 921 A.D.
we have in any case to presume quite a long reign.
Besides, Maspero's theory that Indravarman HI was
succeeded by Jaya Indravarman I about 960 A.D. is
proved erroneous by the Lai-trung Inscription (No. 46).
66 THE BHRGU DYNASTY
But while the king was busy with the study of Philosophy
and Grammar, the kingdom was invaded by the Cambodgians.
The Po-Nagar inscription ( No. 47 ) informs us that the golden
image installed by the king was carried away by the Cambo-
dgians and the king substituted a stone image in its place in
965 A. D. This golden image is no doubt that of the goalless
BhagavatI which was installed by the king in the year 9 ±8
A. D. (cf. Po Nagar Ins. No. 45 ).
The date of this Gambodgian invasion is not difficult to
determine. The Baksei Cankran inscription of Kajendravar-
man II, dated 947 A. D.,1 states that the king was a fire of
destruction to his royal enemies, commencing with that of
Champa. As Rajendravarman ascended the throne in 944
A. D., his expedition against Champa must have taken place
between 944 and 947 A. D.
Indravarman ultimately hurled back the forces of the
Cambodgian king, but his straitened circumstances are indi-
cated by the fact that the golden image of Bhagavati which
was carried away by the invading troops could only be
replaced by a stone figure. (Po Nagar Ins. No. 47).
For a long time the kings of Champa stopped their
customary presents to China, apparently b'jcaus^ it was torn
by internal dissensions after the downfall of tin >Tang dynasty.
The four ephemeral dynasties that succeeded the T'arig were
all ignored by the Chain kings, but on the accession of Kouo
Wei, who founded a new dynasty — the Heou Tcheou Indra-
varman sent an embassy to China with various presents
(951 A. D.). The intercourse thus resumed continued
uninterrupted throughout hia reign. When Tchao K'ouan^-
Yin founded the Soung Dynasty in China (960 A. D.), liidra-
1. J. A. 188: (2) p. 151J1881 (1) p. 54. Aymonier, Cam-
bodgo vol. Ill p. 8.
ANCIENT HISTORY OF CHAMPA 67
varman sent an embassy to offer congratulations. Altogether
seven embassies from Champa visited the Imperial court in
958, 959, 962, 966, 967, 970 and 971 A. D.1
Indravarman III. enjoyed a long reign of sixty years.
Ho ascended the throne about 911 A. D. and died in 971 or
972 A. D.
KINGS REFERRED TO IN CHAPTER VI.
1. Rudra varman III.
2. Bhadravarrnan II.
(Son of No. 1)
3. Indravarman II. (c. 870-c. 895 A.D.)
(Son of No. 2)
4. Jaya Simhavarman (c. 895-904 A. D.)
(Son of the elder sister of the
queen of No. 3)
5. Jay agakti varman (c. 904-905 A. D.)
(Son of No. 4)
6. Bhadra varman III. (c. 905-911 A. D.)
7. Indravarman III. (c. 911 A. D.-972 A. D.)
(Son of No. 6)
1. T'oung Pao 1911, p. 62 ff.
Chapter VII.
The Annamite Invasions.
For nearly a century after the death of Indravarman III.
the history of Champa is obscure in the extreme. Excepting
one doubtful case, to be noticed later on, no epigraphic evi-
dence comes to our help, and we are solely dependent on
the Chinese and Annamite annals for guiding us in this
dark period. The outstanding event of this period is
the Annamite invasion, leading to internal disintegration
of the kingdom of Champa, and this sufficiently explains
the absence of epigraphic records bearing upon the history
of the period.
Indravarman III. seems to have been succeeded by a king
whose name is differently spelt in Chinese histories and
may be taken to be equivalent to Paramesvaravarman.
He sent embassies to China in 972, 973, 974, 976, 977,
and 979 A. D. But he was soon involved in a quarrel with
the Annamites which brought ruin upon himself and his
kingdom.
AH the Annamitee began to play an increasingly predo-
minant part in the history of Champa from this time for-
ward till that kingdom was finally subjugated by them,
it is necessary to give a brief review of the rise and growth
of this new power.
It has already been related in Chapter II how a section
of the widely spread Yue race had ultimately established
itself in Tonkin and northern Annarn, and developed a
distinct nationality. It has also been pointed out that when
this country passed into the hands of China (111 B. C.) during
the Han period, the territory inhabited by tin Arinamit?a
was comprised within the two Chinese provinces of Kiao-
ANCIENT HISTORY OF CHAMPA 69
tche and Kieou-tchen corresponding to modern Hanoi and
Thanh Hoa regions.
These two provinces were ruled by Chinese governors.
Tho central authority in China, however, could not always
keep a firm hold upon these distant provinces. Si-
Kouang, the governor of Kiao-tche (in the first quarter of
the first century A. I).) behaved practically as an independent
king. His administration was memorable for the large
measure of success which attended his efforts to introduce
the Chinese civilisation in tho province. But the tyranny
of tho Chinas 3, both officials and colonists, weighed heavily upon
the people. In 8G A. 1). To Dinh, the successor of of Si Kouang
put to death tlr* husband of Tru'ng Trac, and the exaspe-
rated people fit once broke into revolt under tho leadership
of this spirited lady and her sister Tru'ng Nhi The Chinese
governor fled in haste and Tru'ng Trac began to rule as
an independent sovereign (40 A. D.). But h^r power was
short-lived. A Chinese army under Ma Youen easily over-
ran the country. The two sisters were taken captive and
beheaded, and the Chinese authority was again established
iri the country.
The conqueror Ma Youen planted a column of bronze
at Co-lau as a token of his victory, and also probably to
mark the boundary of the province He did not pass beyond
Than Hoa in the south, but according to later legends, he
passed far to the south, in the heart of Aunain, planted a
small Chinese colony there, and erected two copper columns
to mark the southern frontier of the Chinese possessions.
The Annamitos again revolted in 183 A. D., but were
subjugated iri 226 A. D. Jn 541 Ly Bon or Ly Bi, an
Annamite of Chinese origin revolted against the Chinese
governor and declared himself king. He and his two suc-
cessors ruled for 62 years, but the Chinos"1 general Lieou Fang
70 THE ANNAMITE INVASIONS
reconquered the province in 603 A. D. Ly Bon ruled over
the whole of Tonkin and in the south his kingdom reached
the frontier of Champa. His fight with Kudravarman has
been referred to in Chapter IV.
From 603 to 939 A. D. the Chinese remained the undis-
puted master of Tonkin. Under the T'ang dynasty a new
province was created embracing all the Chinese possessions
from the northern extremity of Tonkin to the borders of
the kingdom of Champa. It was named Ngan-nan (pro-
nounc-'d by th" Aimnmitjs as An Nam) meaning "pacified
south". In 722 an Annamite chief, Mai Thuc Loan, made
alliance with the kings of Champa and revolted against the
Chinese governor. But the revolt was easily suppressed by
the Chinese generals.
Towards the close of the ninth century A. D. troubles
arose in the country. The political changes in China, invol-
ving frequent changes in the provincial administration, led
to a state of anarchy and confusion in Tonkin. At last,
unable to bear the miseries of Chinese yoke, the Annamites
broke into revolt early in the 10th century A. D. The
moment was very opportune. The downfall of the Imperial
T'ang dynasty in 907 A. D. was followed by a period of anarchy
and disintegration in China, lasting for more than half a century.
The Annamites took full advantage of this situation
and freed themselves from the iron yoke of the Chinese.
Henceforth Annarn became an independent country, nomi-
nally acknowledging the suzerainty of China at times, but quite
free from Chinese control for all practical purposes. A new
power thus came into existence which was ultimately destined
to play an important part in the history of south-eastern
Asia. 1
1. The short historical account of Annarn is mainly based on
the following books. (1) Cordier-IJistoire Generalo de
ANCIENT HISTORY OP CHAMPA 71
The first independent royal Annamite dynasty was
founded by Ngo Quyen in 939 A. D. But the supreme power
did not remain with a single chief for a long time. By 965
A. D. twelve important chiefs had partitioned the country among
themselves. In 9G8 A. D. Dinh Bo Linh defeated the
twelve chiefs and proclaimed himself emperor. He ruled
for 12 years but was murdered in 979 A. D. Ngo Nhut
Khanh, one of the twelve chiefs defeated by the emperor,
had taken refuge in the court of Champa. As soon as the
news of emperor's death reached him, he planned to seize
the throne and asked for the aid of Paramesvaravarman.
The latter readily consented and led a naval expedition
against Tonkin in person. The Chain fleet made good progress
and reached within a few miles of the capital. At night, how-
ever, a storm broke out and destroyed the whole fleet with
the exception of the royal vessel which safely returned to
Champa. A large number, including Nhut Khanh, was drow-
ned and the rest fell into the hands of the Annamites ( 979
A. D. ).
Shortly after, Le Hoan was elected by the Annamite chiefs
as their emperor ( 980 A. D. ). Ho successfully opposed a
Chinese expedition sent by the Emperor K'ouang-Yito recon-
quer the province. He sent an ambassador to ParameSvaravar-
man, but the latter imprisoned him against diplomatic conven-
tion of all ages and countries. Lo Hoan was naturally furious,
and led an expedition in person against Champa. ParameSvara-
varman was defeated and killed at the first encounter, and the
Annamite king marched towards the capital. Although a new
king was hastily set up, he could not save the capital city which
fell into the hands of the Annamitos. After pillaging the city and
la Chine [Paris 1920] [2], E. Luro — Le Pays D' Au-
nam [Paris 1878].
72 THE ANNAMITE INVASIONS
burning its temples Le Hoan made arrangements for governing
the province and returned with an immense booty (982 A. D. ).
Among others, he took with him 100 ladies of the royal harem
and an Indian Bhiksu.
The new king — whose name has been restored from Chinese
Annals as Indravarman (IV) — took refuge in his southern
territories and sent a Brahmana envoy to the Chinese court
complaining against the Annamite occupation of Champa.
But the emperor was not in a mood to renew the fight with
the Annamites and advised the king of Champa to protect
his own kingdom and live on friendly terms with his
neighbours.
In the meantime the Annamite chiefs were quarrelling
among themselves. The history of the internal quarrels and
dissensions is but imperfectly known to us but they ultimately
led to the usurpation of the throne of Champa by Lu'u-Ky-
Tong, an Annamite chief, who revolted against Le Hoan. L3
Hoan advanced with an army to punish him but the difficulties
of the route, added to the inclemency of the weather, forced
him to retreat (983 A. D.).
Lu'u-Ky-Tong was now quite secure in his domi-
nions in northern Champa. His power was on the increase,
and after the death of Indravarman IV he was officially proclaim-
ed king of Champa. The foreign domination, however,
pressed hard on the people, and they began to emigrate to
the Chinese territories in large numbers. Fortunately, a
national hero appeared at this time at Vijaya. Lu'u-Ky-Tong
disappeared and the former was crowned king under the name
of Vijaya gri Harivarman (II) 1 (989 A. D.). The capital was
fixed at Vijaya in Binh-Dmh.
1. Maspero reads this name as Sri Indravarman [T'onng Pao
1911, p. 72] but cf. Finot's remarks in B. E. F. vol. !£V,
No. 2. p. 48 fn (2).
ANCIENT HISTORY OF CHAMPA 73
This king has left a short Cham inscription of four lines
on a block of sandstone lying in the vestibule of a temple at
Myson(No51). It records the installation of the god Sri
Jaya I^ana Bhadresvara in the year 991 A. D., and is proba-
bly a reminiscence of the work of restoration that must have
slowly followed the cruel devastation by the Annamites.
Shortly after his accession Harivarrnan II found his terri-
tories again ravaged by L ^ Hoan. He sent an embassy with
rich presents to tin Imperial court of China complaining about
th^ conduct of L^ Hoan, and the emperor commanded Le Hoan
to keep within his own territory. Hari Varman II also wanted
to conciliate th'-j Annamito kins; .and refused assistance to an
Annamit? chief who had rebelled against Ls Hoan. The latter,
touched by this signal mark of friendship, and probably also
intimidated by the order of the Chinese emperor, not only
stopped his incursions, but also released a number of Chaoi
prisoners ( 992 A. D. ). During the same year the Chinese em-
peror sent a rich present to Harivarman II, who was, glad beyond
measure at such an unexpected honour, and sent in return an
envoy with a rich tribute. In a letter to the emperor which he sent
.along with this envoy, the king poured forth his feelings of
gratitud3 and helpl?ssri?ss in a pathetic manner :
" 1 am a chief of email renown. The foreigners always
invaded and devastated my country, and my subjects, unable
to defend, were scattered like straw before a storm. Then you
extended your protection to me and sent me a present of mag-
nificent horses, standards and equipments of war. Learning the
Imperial favour vouchsafed to me, my neighbours no longer
entertain any desire of ruining me. Now my kingdom is again
enjoying peace, and the scattered people are coming back...
My country has the same reverence for you as for the heaven
.above which covers us, and the earth below which bears us, and
my gratitude is unlimited. 10,000 li of sea divides your august
74 THE ANNAMITE INVASIONS
capital from my country, and yet your goodwill is extended
towards me" The humble epistle ended with a request that
three hundred of his subjects which had taken refuge in the
Chinese territory might be repatriated to Champa.
Outwardly Harivarinan was on equally good terms with
Le Hoan, the Annamite king, and sent diplomatic missions to
him. Nevertheless the soldiers of Champa ravaged the Aima-
mite territory to the north. Onca, Le Hoan rebuked the
Cham envoy and refused to accept the tribute brought by him.
Harivarinan hastened to pacify him and sent his own grandson
as hostage to his court ( 095 A. D. ). But the Chains never-
theless continued to raid the Annatnite territory. In 997 a
Cham army marched npto the borders of Tonkin but returned
without invading it.
Harivarman II was succeeded by a king, the first part of
whose name alone has reached us in a Chines? form,1 viz. Yah
Pu Ku Vijaya Sri. He ascended the throne sometime before
999 A. D. when he sent an envoy to China. King Harivarman
II, although proclaimed king at Vijaya, had re-established the
Court at the ancient capital Indrapura. But that city was
sacked by Le Hoan and had suffered all the horrors of foreign
domination. Yan Pu Ku Vijaya Sri definitely abandoned it,
and, in order to avoid the domination of the Aimamites, retired
to Vijaya which henceforth became the capital of Champa
and remained as such till the end.
In 1004 Yan Pu Ku Vijaya Sri sent an ambassador to the
Chiness Court who met there a deputation iVom Arab. Three
years later, he sent another ambassador to the Emperor with
a long loiter and rich presents. Question >d by the Emperor
the ambassador reported that th kir capital had b»en removed
to Vijaya, 700 li to th * south of th * old capital.
1. Yang p'o TI Ivh; T'i t'cm vi Che li.
ANCIENT HISTORY OF CHAMPA 75
Ya& Pu Ku Vijaya £ri w« succeeded by a king, the Chi-
nese form of whose name1 has been doubtfully restpred to gri
Harivarmadeva III. He sent three embassies to China ia 1010,
1011, and 1015, and one to Tonkin in 1011. With hi* envoy
to China in 1011 he sent a few lions which were objects of
great curiosity to the Imperial Court.
Hie successor, the Chinese form of whose name' has been
doubtfully restored to Paranie§varavarman II, sent tribute to
China in 1018 A. D. Early in the year 1021, the Annamites
all on a sudden attacked the camp of Bo Chanh which protec-
ted the northern frontier of Champa. The Cham genei^l op-
posed th-em, but was killed, and his army retreated in disor-
der. The invading amiy, however, also suffered great lots and
did not dare to advance? any further.
The next king, the Chinese form of whose name8 has been
doubtfully restored as Yah Pu Ku £rl V ikrantavarman ( IV )
was on the throne in 1030 A. D. when he ssnt an embassy to
China with tribute. His reign seems to be full of civil wars
and revolutions. For twice, in 1038 and 1039 A. D., his son
sought protection at the court of Tonkin, and a few months
later, th? entire garrison of the camp of Bo Chinh »0ught re-
fuge with the Annamite Ernparor. Vikrantavarman died in
1041 A. IX, and th* year following, his son Java Si u* havarman
II asked for investiture from the Chinese court.
Jaya Simhavarman's indiscretion brought auother terrible
calamity upon the unfortunate kingdom of Champa. In 104£
his navy harassed th* Annamite coast but was forced to retreat
in the face of a large fore 3 sent against them. The Annamite
Emperor Pliat Ma now decided on an expedition on a large
scale to chastise his turbulent neighbours, who had besides,
1. Che H Hia H pi ma ti.
2. Che Mei P'ai mo tie
,°i. Yang P'on Kou Che-li P'i lau To Kia pan motie.
76 THE ANNAMITE INVASIONS
ceased to perform any act of vassalage ior the last sixteen
years. He constructed 100 new vessels and drilled hia soldi-
ers for both offensive and defensive war. At length, on the
12th January, 1044, he led the expedition in person against
Champa. The flotilla safely reached the bank of the river
Ngu Bo whers Jaya Sirhhavarman was waiting with his troops.
The Annamites disembarked and offered battle. The Cham
army was completely routed. Jaya Simhavarman himself
lay dead on the field which was covered by the dead
bodies of 30,000 of his soldiers. Moved by pity That Ma
at last stopped this fearful carnage and inarched towards
the capital city Vijaya. Vijaya was easily captured and rava-
ged by his army. At last the Anuamita Emperor turned back
with an immense quantity of booty and large number of
prisoners, including all the women of the palace It is recor-
ded about one of these that wlrai summoned to the royal vos-
sel she threw h?r.self into th'j sea, preferring death to disho-
nour in th? hands of her foreign for*. Tho emperor admired
h~r nM^l ,ty ami guv-3 \\*r a posthumous title meaning ' \vry
chaste and very sw-^t lw.lv.'
KINGS REFERRED TO IN CHAPTER VII.
1. EaranviSvaravarrnan (972 — 982 A. D. )
2. Indravannan IV (c. 982 — 988 A. D. )
a Lu'u-Ky-Tong ( 983—989 A. D. )
( Aimauiifc usurper)
4. Vijaya Sri Harivarman II (989— c. 998 A. D. )
5. Yau Pu Ku Vijaya S'rl. ( c. 998— c. 1008 A. D.)
C. 6rl Harivarmaileva HI (c. 1008— c. 1016 A. D. )
7. Parame^varavarman II (c. 101G— c. 1028 A. D. )
8. Vikrantavarman IV (c. 1028—1041 A. D. )
9. JnyaRimluivarrnan II (1041 1044 A D >
< Son of No. 8)
Chapter VIII.
DECLINE OF CHAMPA.
The dynasty which came to power in 989 A. D. alter the
Ammmite usurpation perished with Jaya Simhavarman II
amid the disasters of the second Annamite invasion. But
within six years a now dynasty was founded by Jaya Pafame-
£vuravarmadeva Tsvararnfirti, descended from the old -royal
family of Champa 1
Tlie new king lia'l to fac^ a very h?avy task. For nearly
seventy years (980— J 050 A. D.) tin kingdom was a prey to
foreign invasions aivl internal dissensions. The repeat xl incur-
sions of the Annamites had brought untold miseries upon
the kingdom and exhausted its resources. As tli3 central au-
thority became weak, provincial revolts b^gan. The southern
provinc ^ of Paiiduranga, for example, r *peat jdly rabelbd and
s^t up a new king on the throne8 Th^ Cnml)oigians also pro-
bably took advantage of th3 weakness of tlrsir neighbour to
push on th')ir plundering raids into tin kingdom,3
It r-'^fl'cts givat credit OH »laya ParameMrar«i Varman that
hu brav.-jly fae-jd thj dangers and restored p^ac ^ and order in
th:i kingdom to a considerable t»xt.»iit. H; linst turned his
1. Cf. Phu-Qui Ins. (No. 57). Mespero's vieTi that *4his ances-
tors were simple warriors, vassals of the preceding kings"
rests upon a somewhat wide interpretation of the verse 2 of
the Po-Nagar Ins. (No. 60). It must be added, however, that
the Phu Qni Ins. wai not discovered when Maspero wrote.
2. cf . Po Klaun Garai Ins. Nos. 53, 54.
3. This seems to be a legitimate inference from Po Klann Ga-
rai Inscriptions Nos. 52, 53, 5fi. Otherwise we are to assume
that the king of Champa made an aggressive raid on Cambo-
dgo which appears unlikoly in view of the political conditioa
of Champa.
78 DECLINE OF CHAMPA
attention towards the, revolted province of Pan<Juraiiga. The
political situation of this country, probably typical of many
other provinces, is thus described.
" The people of Paiiduraiiga were always stupid, of mis-
chievous spirit, and evil-doers. For instance, on several occa-
sions they revolted against different kings of Champa down to
the time of His Majesty ^ri ParameSvaravarmadeva who gave
all the Barons of the country to the God ParameSvara (proba-
bly the country of Panduranga had been plac3d under the suze-
rainty of a great monastery ). Nevertheless, the people of Pan-
duranga were guilty of culpable acts. They set up different
individuals one after another and proclaimed them kings of
the country."1
In order to put a stop to this chronic state of rebellion,
Parame^varavarmadeva led an \vell-orgariis3d expedition agai-
nst the province. Three armies wsre S3nt against it, one led
by th3 king in person and the two other by two of his nephews,
the Yuvaraja Mahasmapati, arid Devaraja Mah&senapati.2
The revolted people of PAnduranga were completely defeated
1. Po Klaun Garai Ins. (No. 54).
2. This seems to be the only legitimate inference that may be
derived by a comparison of the three inscriptions at Po Kla-
un Garai (Nos. 52, 53, 54,). No. 5J explicitly states that the
kin$: "sent troops in varions batches". No. 52 says that De-
varaja $Iahasenaf>ati came to take the town of 'Panduranga
in 1050 A. D. on behalf of kiflfe gri ParamesVaravarmadeva.
According: to No. 53. 'the king "ordered his nephew, the
Yuvaraja Mahasenapati, to proceed with all his generals and
conquer the city", and the latter installed a Ltnga as « mark
of victory in 1050 A. D. Lastly, we learn from No. 53 that
**His Majesty Sri Paramosvaravamiadevn led troops to the
conquest of the country and oro^ted a column of victory in
1050 A. D." ThuH there wore at least three different batch-
es Of trOODS tflkitio- nnrt tn tl*« o««,~ „ — -,;m.:-- -- i*-^ » ~
ANCIENT HISTORY OF CHAMPA 79
and came to terms ( 1050 A. D. ). The result is thus described
in one of the inscriptions :
" All the troops of Panrah came to fight. He ( Yuvaraja
Mahasenapati ) pursued and crushed th3m all and they took
shelter in mountains arid caverns. But the Yuvar&ja, who had
a powerful arrny, orderad his troops to pursue them in all direc-
tions. And th?se troops got hold of all the people of Panrafi
with oxen, buffaloas, slaves and elephants, on b3half of king
Piiratii'js vara varmad'3va Dharmaraja. "*
Half of tlu peopl3 were r^leas^d in order to re-establish
the city, and th? other half WHM distributed as slaves to vari-
ous religious establishments. 'Two columns were
raised to coinunmorat3 tin victory, on ^ by tliB king himself
and the otlr*r by the Yuvaraja Mahasena-pati, and two Idngas
ot ston3 were installed byth?two g^ii^rals/ Thes3 were inten-
ded to impress the people with an idea of the wealth, splendour
and piety of the king of Champa, and they produced the desi-
red effect.
" And on account of his piety to ^iva, when the people of
this country saw the beauty and the marks of this 'lihga*
they resolved to give up their revolts against the king of Cham-
pa who was always victorious."2
" And when this column of victory was completed the people
of Pfinduraiiga, who had revolted, became, for ever, perfectly
virtuous and loyal towards tha king of Champa."3
Having brought the affairs of Panduranga to a satisfactory
conclusion, the king turned his att3ntion towards his western
neighbour, the Cambodgians. H3r3 also his attempts proved
completely successful. The Yuvaraja Mahas3napati who had
played such a distinguished part in the Pilnduranga war inflic-
1, PJ Klauti Garni Ins No. 5,'J.
L1. Ibid.
3. l*o Klaun Garai Iru. No. 54.
80 DECLINE OF CHAMPA
ted a crushing defeat upon the Cambodgians and took the town
of £ambhupura. He destroyed a large number of temples there
and distributed the Khmer captives among the temples of
King Parame^varavarman had to devote a great deal of
attention to the restoration of the religious institutions which
had suffered during the troublesome period t-iat preceded his
reign. In 1050 A. D. he re-installed the image of the famous
goddess of Po Nao-ara and endowed her with lands, slaves and
O O
various other costly articles.1 In 1055 he restored a cave at
Lai Cham1 and erected avihtlra atPhu-qui, endowing the latter
with men, oxen, buffaloes, grains as well as all the vessels n?c>
ssary for the worship of the gods.3 The Yuvaraja Mahasena-
pati, who had assisted hi s royal uncle in his military expeditions,
also ably seconded his efforts in this direction. He erected or
restored a number of temples and endowed them with neces-
sary articles. He also installed many Lingas and made vari-
ous gifts to temples, monasteries and salds ( Houses of Charity 0-
He devoted special attention to the temple of Sruanabhadres-
vara in the precincts of which he erected aa ' imagtf of Liug&
in 105G A. D. ( No. 59 ).
Jaya Parame^varavarman cultivated friendly relations with
the Emperors of China arid Arinana. To tin former he sent
ambassadors in 1050, 1053 and 1056. On the last occasion his
ambassador was shipwrecked and lost all his baggages, where-
upon the Chinese Emperor sent him 1000 ounces of silver.
His ambassador also visited the Court of the Annamite Empe-
ror in 1047, 1050, 1055, 10GO and also sometime between 1057
and 1059 A. D. 4
l.'Po-Na^ar Ins. Nos. ">:>, f>8.
2. Lni chain Ins. No. MJ.
.'{. Phu-qni Ins. No. r>7.
4. T'oung Pao 1911 p. 238. An ambassador sent from Champa
ANCIENT HISTORY OF CHAMPA 81
Jaya Par&mssvaravarman was probably succeeded by
Bhadravarnran IV. This name is only known from the Po
Nagar inscription (No. GO) of his younger brother Rudravar-
man IV, but as no royal title is attached to the name, it is
doubtful whether he actually ruled. If hs did so, he must
have ase^ndad the thron? sometime ia 1060 or 10G1 A. D. In that
ease we may look upon him as the king of Champa who sent
tribute to China in 1061.
Bhadravarman IV was succeeded by Rudravarman IV.
Ho was born in the family o£ Jaya Parainesvara but the rela-
tionship between the two is not definitely known. From the
very beginning he made preparations for attacking his northern
neighbour. He organis M! his army a:ul train H! his soldiers
for the purpose He then sent an ambassador to China, in
1062 A. D., for securing assistant against the Annamit?a
But although the Chinese emperor was friendly and s°nt him
some presents, he was not in a mood to send any eft* Active aid
against the Annamites. For some years, therefore, Rudra-
varman IV thought it politic to keep on friendly terms with
the Annamite Emperor and regularly sent tributes to him in
1063, 1065 and 1068,1 In 1064 he propitiated the goddess of
Po Nagar witli a variety of rich presents.2
But ail the while Rudravarman IV continued his prepara-
tions and at last opened hostilities towards the end of 1068
A. D. The Annamite Emperor, Ly Thilrih Ton, took up the
challenge and moved his troops on the 16th February, 1069
A. D. He gradually arrived at the port of Sri Banoy and there
disembarked his troops. The chain army, drawn up on the
to Annani in 1047 was imprisoned there but it is doubtful
whether he was sent by king Paiamesvaravai mau.
1. T'ounff Pao 1911, p. 241.
2. PO Nagar Ins, No. 03.
82 DECLINE OF CHAMPA
bank of the Tu Mao offered battle to the invader. They fought
furiously for a long time, but their general being killed, they
lost heart and fell back in disorder, leaving a large number
on the field. As soon as Rudravarman learnt the news of the
defeat, he left tin capital with his family. He was, however,
pursued and captured within the borders of Cambodge
(1069 A. D.).
The victor now took up his ivsid-nce in the royal palace
at Vijaya and celebrated his- triumph by feasts and dances. Pie
th'^n gave orders to put to fire all the houses in the capital and
its suburbs. This don*, he gave orders for retreat. On the
17th July ho mad" a triumphal entry into his capital. Escor-
ted by two armies, and surround 4d by his officers on horseback,
ho himself rode on a chariot behind which marched Rudra-
varman and his family accompanied by five executioners.
About 50,000 Chains were taken to Tonkin as prisoners of war.
Rudravarman was not kept in captivity for long. He ob-
tained his release by ceding three northern districts of Champa
viz. Dia Ly, Ma Liiili and Bo Chanh ( 1069 A. D. ). This
meant the cession of the \vhob of Quang Biiih and the north-
ern part of Quan g Tri and brought the frontier of
Champa to the mouth of th^ river Viet. The Chains
could never reconcile thems >lves to this cession of important
t Trltories and it gave ris3 to many a battl i in future.
On his return to Champa Rudravarman IV found it to be
a seat of anarchy and civil war, as several persons had proclai-
med tlums 4ves as kings in different parts of the kingdom.
It is doubtful wluth?r Rudravarman was able to re-establish
his power to any oxt Mit. We h >ar of tributes b^ing s^nt from
Champa to Annani in 1071, 1072 and 1074 A. D. and to China
in 1072, A. D., but w » do not know d.-finlt'ly the name of the
ANCIENT HISTORY OF CHAMPA 83
king or kings of Champa to whom those may be attributed.
Amid these disorders Rudravarman IV passes from our view.1
KINGS REFERRED TO IN CHAPTER VIII.
1. Jaya Pararne;varavarman (c. 1050— c. 1060 A. D.)
2. Bhadravarman IV (c. 1060— 10G1 A. D. )
3. Rudravarman IV ( c. 10G1— 1060 A. D. )
(younger broth T of No. 2)
1. Maspero infers from an Anuamite record that Rudravarman
took refuse in the Annamoso court with his family and lived
there as an exile the rest of his life.
Chapter IX.
DYNASTY OF EL4RIVARMAN.
Among the many aspirants to th? throne of Champa dur-
ing the dark days that followed the Anuamite conquest and
the capture of the king, one name stands in bold relief, that
of Harivprman IV. We have two long inscriptions ( My sou
Ins. Nos. 61, 02) with interesting particulars of his life and
times, and th ^se enable us to reconstruct the history of the
period to a certain extent.
The full name o£ the king was Sri Harivarmad wa prince
Thari-yaii Visnmnurti or Madhavamurti or Devatamurti. 11^
was the son of Pro.1 >yo?vara Dharmaraja of the Cocoanut clan.
As his mother b-longed to the B^telnut clan, he represented
in his person the two chief rival families of the kingdom.1
Within ten years of the capture of Rudravarman, Harivar-
rrian established his authority ov^r the greater part of the king-
dom. But tli3 civil war continued throughout his reiorii2 an<l
f» C?
he had to fight with rival chiefs for the throne of Champa.
To make matters \\Torsr», the Annamite king s^iit a n"\v oxpodi-
tion in 1075,3 and th> kingof Cambodg > also b >gan his plunder-
1. Tho two clans probably represented two important fljfs in the
kingdom. M. Dnrand bas loc'ited the betelnut clau in Binh
Tlman (B. E. F., vol. V, pp. 3(iS ff )
2. cf. Po Naffar Ins. No. G4 which rofors to a civil war of sixteen
years ie. from 10GD-IOS4 A. l>.
3. Tho kiiif? of Aniiam sent an expedition Jiga'mst Champa in
107,5 on the pretext of somo ngressivo frontier raid conduc-
ted by the Chains But the expedition proved a f.-iilnre.
Tlie defeat of the Annamito kinsj emboldened the (1hines«*
court to send an expedition against him (1073-1076 A. D. )
and the Chinese emperor ordered the kinprs of Champa and
Camhnd o»v t,O nft-ipL* A-»-,n«m f>-m-»i I!IM tirmfh. Tfip Irinffif
ANCIENT HISTORY OF CHAMPA 85
ing raids. It reflects great credit upon Harivarman that ho
not only checked his internal foes but also guarded his king-
dom against his powerful neighbours. No wonder, that his
roign was full of military campaigns as we are told in the
Myson Inscription. " He has dispersed the hostile troops in
the nVld of battle as many as twelve times. He has cut off
the h^ads of kinjis generals, chiefs and other men in the field
r*> ' o '
of battle nine tini"H. lie defeated the troops of Cambodge at
Somofvara and captured the prince Sri Nantlaiiavarmadeva who
commanded the army." (No. 6:2 b d ). The defeat of the Aiina-
mit^ forces assure! the sal >ty of th? uowly esta))lished power,
and by dint 01 num'»rons mil.tary RUCC^SS^S athe king of Cham-
pi 1) *cnm'> prosperous as of old.'' Th"ii king Harivarman celeb-
rated his coronation and probably ass'imfd tlr> title Utkrstara-
ja. Aftnr this lie enjoyed complete happiness and tasted
royal felicities.1
But Harivarman had another important task before him.
The country had b JOH ruined by the Aimamite invasions and
tli) Civil War and it was iioc \ssary to repair the damages as
i'ar as possible. The ruinous efp ct of the foreign domination
Champa oboynd and despatched a force 7,000 strong to Nghe-
an. TJio Cliineso army was, however, defeated, and so tho
kinc: of Champa also had to beat retreat. The year following1
he sent rejruKir tribute * to the court of A/inam as well as to
China. Masporo supposes that the king1 of Champa referred
to above was Hariv.-irman, but this is ut best doul)tful, and
hence is not incorporated in the text. The other supposi-
tion of Maspero that the Annarnito raid of 1075 against Cha-
mpa was undertaken with a view to restore Kudravarman
to the throne is eqinlly doubtful (T'oung Pao 1911, pp. 247-
48; li. E. F. vol. XVII, No. ,'j p. 44).
1. Myson Ins NX (il. Th'j term Utkrstaraja mny also be taken as
nn ordinary adjective rather than a special title assumed by
the king.
86 DYNASTY Q^ HARIVARMAN
has thus been graphically described in the Myson Inscription
(No. 61.).
" The enemy had entered into the kingdom of Champa
and installed themselves as masters, having taken possession
of all the royal property and thy wealth of tin gods; having
pillaged the temples, the monasteries, the sito, cells, hermita-
ges, villages and various edifices tog^tlnr with the horses, ele-
phants, infantry, ox-ii, buffaloes and the crops; having ravaged
everything in the provinces of tin kingdom of Champa; having
plundered the temple of Srianiabhadresvara and all that tin
king of past times have granted as ondowin *nts to Sri^anabha-
dro^vara; having tak^n all tin riclns of tin god an 1 carried
away the men belonging to the temple, the dancers, musicians
servants, together with the various properties, of SrI3a.ua-
bhadresvara; tin tempi 3 ivnviined empty and devoid of wor-
ship..."
The inscription proceeds: "Tlnii his M ijesty Vijaya Sii
Harivarmadeva, Yau Devatamurti ascend ^1 tin thron \ ILe
completely defeated tin on.Miiies, procj^did to tli3 Nagara
Champa and restored tin temple of Sri finabhadr^vara."
(No. 61).
Two Inscriptions at Myson (Nos. 01, 02) d-scrib» in d -ta'l
the work of restoration as well as the rich cndowm knts to tin
temple of Sii'anabhadrosvara made by the king and his brother
Yuvaraja Mahasjuajuiti. The latter "re-erect MI tin t Miipl \s,
the chapels, the gateways and the diflrrent r.dilic s in the do-
main of hii anabhadre^vara and mad^ th -in perfectly b »aii-
tiful. Here-erected the temples in tin various }rov!ncesof
the kingdom of Champa. H(i gave all the necessary articlf^a
for the worship of the god with the servants of tempks, dan-
cers, muwicians as before. He re-established the 8,7 to, the
cells, and the hermitages in the various provinces of tin k'ng-
dom of Cham} a. . .". ( No. 61 ).
ANCIENT HISTORY OF CHAMPA 87
The rich endowments of king Harivarman to Srl=anabhad-
reSvara consisted of various articles of gold, silver and preci-
ous jewels, as well as of servants and various animals. Tin
Myson Inscription informs us that "seeing Srl^anabhadres-
vara despoiled of all his possessions at the end of the war, he
came to worship the god with a pious heart, and gave him all
the booty taken at RoimSvara ( i. e. from the conquered Cam-
bodgians) and various objects" (No. G2).
King Harivarman also turned his attention to secular
buildings and "reestablished tin ediiic »s and th > city of Cham-
pa during tin troubl \soin :* days of the war. And the
city of Champa and all th * edifice wer> enrich »d, as if by
nature, and fr '.shly dec >rat »d" (No. 02). Tin Yuvaraja also
"ord ir M! tin people of S'uilvipura to construe*, tin temples, to
build thn houses, to make p^rp>tinl sacrific is, to re-^rect the
chapels, and to reconstruct th 3 roads, all as before." (No. 62).
King Harivarman thus succ \ssfully accomplish id the two
important tasks of establishing law and ord-T and restoring
material prosperity in tli3 kingdom. With tli3 exception of
the southern district of Pan lurahga, tha whole of Champa was
probably united under his sceptre, and he vigorously s'it him-
s4f to thQ task of repairing damages ami reviving the old pros-
parity of the kingdom. Harivarman must have I) ?en endowed
with exceptional (jualities and th^ long praises b 'stowed upon
him at th^ commune im Tit of tin Myson Inscription (No. 62)
may have sonn justification.
In 10SI A. D. at tin ag i of 411 Harivarmiu IV ab licat ><l
in favour of his eldest son, Pulyan 8rl llojadvara, and dwot-vl
himself to spiritual exircls'is and worship of Siva. H3 did
1. Tho Cham ambassador in the court of China in 1070 referred
to his kins as boin<? of .'HI ye.ars of a^e (T'ounf? Pao 1011,
t>. IMO).
90 DYNASTY OF HARIVARMAN
The full title of the new king was &i Jaya Indravarma-
deva (V) prince Vak yan Devafcamurfci. He is praised in extra-
vagant terms in the Myson Ins. ( No. 65 ) which refers to his
rich donations to £rr'anabhadre3vara and the gift of a monastery
to f§ri Indralokesvara in the district of Tranul. He also sup-
be easily accounted for by supposing that Paramabodhisattva
had died and was succeeded by the legitimate sovereign Jaya
Indravarmadeva Maspero obviously lays emphasis on the
passage quoted above. He holds that if, as we are told,
Harivarman and Paramabodhisattva had already reconstruc-
ted and repopulated the city of Champa, Jaya Indravarmau's
attempts in the same direction could only be explained by
supposing that there was a fresh civil war in course of which
the city was again ruined. But it is obvious that the serious
damages which the Annamite hosts inflicted upon the capital
city might have taken long to repair, and Jaya Indravarman
probably merely supplemented the work of his father and
uncle.
On the other hand, the way in which the"'abdication of
Indravarman, coronation of his uncle and his own restora-
tion are described in an inscription of Jaya Indravarman
himself (No. 65), and particularly the favourable notice of the
qualities of Paramabodhisattva contained therein discredit
any idea of a civil war between the two.
Further, Maspero's view that Harivarman IV abdicated
in 1080 A. D. is almost certainly wrong. The Inscription
No. 62 refers to his abdication in favour of his son and also
contains an account of his death in 1081. No mention is
made therein of the accession of Paramabodhisattva which,
as we know, took place within a month of the abdication.
We are therefore bound to conclude that the abdicntion and
death of Harivarman. took place within a month some tiwe
in 1081 A. P., and Paramabodhisattva replaced his nephew
on the throne almost immediately after the latter event
(of. MftftT>ero T'ounar Pao 1911, pp.252 ff)
ANCIENT HISTORY OF CfiAMPA 91
plemented the work of his lather and ttofcle in *&iona6ructing
the town of Ghamjsft,
Although Jaya ladratharman V paid his tribute to the
court of Annain with fair regularity, he deplored the loss of
the three districts ceded by Hudravartnan. Tlie two peoples
were so much estranged over this question, that Wh*n th&r
ambassadors, having arrived at th3 Chinese <*oui"t At the s&me
time, were introduced to the Emperor on the sdhis day, they
kept themselves aloof from each other. At a dinii£* in whifeh
th^y were invited they were seated at two ends of ths table.
At last in 1092 A. D. Indravarman stopped tho paym°nt of tri-
bute to Annam and approached th3 Chin3S3 emperor with a
proposal to make a common caus3 against that country. The
Chinese emperor, however, refused to fight with Annam.
Nevertheless, Jaya Indravarman continued to withhold the
tribute till a formal complaint was made by the Annamese
court in 1094. Indravarman was seized with terror, and has-
tened to comply With th3 demand. Thi tribute was sdnt in
1C95, !097, 1098, 1099 and 1102 A. D.
At last in 1103 a refugee from Annam instigated king
Indravarman to fight against the country. He rdf>re^nted
that Annam was enfeebled by internal dissensions and had
not the power to reer'st an invasion from Champa. Misled by
th*» se false statements Jaya Indravarman led an army and con-
quered the three esded districts. But his triumph Was Short-
lived. Ho was soon d3feat3d and ootnp3lied to abandon thos3
districts. To avoid furtii3r troubhs h3 imm3diat3ly s?nt tri-
bute to Annam. Henc3forth ths two countries lived in paaca
and tributss were regularly S3nt from Champa to Annam.
Jaya Indravarman V was succeeded by his nephsw Hari-
varman who was on th^ throne in 1114 A. D. (No. 68). Jaya
In dravar man's reign, th3refore, falls batwaen 1086 and
1114 A. D.
92 DYNASTY OF HARIVARMAN
Harivarman V has left us a single inscription at Myson
(No. 68) from which we learn that he built two temples and a
palace for Sri'anabhadreSvara and bestowed various articles
of gold and silver for his worship.
He was on friendly terms with ths Chinese and Annamese
courts. The former bestowed honorary titles on him in 1116,
1127, and 1129 A. D. The latter also treated his ambassadors
with honour and distinction and invited him to the imperial
palace in 1126. From 1120 to 1124 he had regularly sent
tributes to the Annamese Court without any exception.
KINGS REFERRED TO IN CHAPTER IX.
1. Harivarma IV (c. 1070—1081 A. D.)
2. grl Jaya Indravarmadeva V (1081 A. D. )
(Son of No. I)
3. Paramabodhisattva ( 1081—1086 A. D. )
( Younger brother of No. 1 )
2. grl Jaya Indravarmacleva V ( 1086—1113 A. D. )
( Second time )
4. Harivarman V (1113 A, D.— 1126 A. D. )
( Nephew of No. 2 )
Chapter X.
War with Cambodge.
Harivarman V seems to have left no heir and the next
king known to us is Jaya Indravarman VI. The Myson Pillar
inscription (No. 69) and Po Nagar Ins. (No. 71) give a suc-
cinct account of his life and anc3stry. He was, we are told,
an incarnation of Uroja, the mythical forefather of the kings
of Champa, who was a descendant of £iva himself, and is fre-
quently referred to in the official inscriptions of that kingdom,
( cf. e. g. No. 31 ). The theory of incarnation has been develo-
ped in an int3resting way in the inscription No. 69. Uroja,
after his death, was reborn as king Bhadravarman and again
as king Jaya Simhavarman-both of whom, ba it noted, are his-
torical personages and kings of Champa. Then Uroja was again
born as Jaya Indravarman himself and thus he had appeared on
th3 earth altogether four times as king of Champa. This mythical
ancestry seems to ba a sure indication that Jaya Indravarman
had no legitimate claim to the throne and that he wanted to
legalise what he had acquired by other means, by tracing his
relationship with the former kings of Champa. It is not impossi-
ble, of courss, that h3 might have some remote
relationship with Jaya Simhavarman II but it is not possibh
to decide the question one way or the other with the evidenca
availabh at pras3nt. It is equally unc3rtain whsth3r he im-
mediately succeeded Harivarman, or one or more kings inter-
vened between the two. The latter hypothesis seems more
probable.
Jaya Indravarmau VI was born in th^ year 1108 A. D.
He b?came Devaraja in 1129 and YuvarSja ins 1133 A. D.
Finally he asc3ndod the throne in 1139 (No 69). This short
94 WAR WITH CAMBODGE
account of his life shows that his father had also reigned before
him whoever he may be.1
The king's religious endowments are recorded in both his
inscriptions. In 1140 he erected an image ( or a temple ) of
l§riS§,nabhadre£vara, and two years later, that of a Siva-linga
and the Srlsana-Visnu. In 1138 while yet a Yuvaraja,
he made gifts to Saddharma, apparently some god or institu-
tions connected with Buddhism, and also to a ^iva-linga. With
his usual propensity of looking back to ths past history of
Champa, he recalls, in connection with the latter, how, long
ago, about 1, 780, 500 years ago, king Vicltra Sagara establi-
shed the linga at Kauthara.
Unfortunat3ly, Jaya Indravarman VI was involved in a
qiiarrel with both his powerful neighbours. Suryavarman,
the bellicose king of Cambodgs, asc3nded the throne in 1112
A. D. and began to harass the kingdom of Champa, Then in
1128 he sent an expedition, 20,000 strong, against the Anna-
mite kingdom, and inducad the king of Champa to join with
him. This wafc probably not a difficult task, as Chatnpa had
mariy old scores to pay off, and was ever ready to seize any op-
portunity to recover the thrao northern districts ced3d by
Kudravarman. tJiifortunatsly, th3 Cham army could n<3t
join the Cambodgians in time, and both armie& were S3paratsly
defeated. Baffled in his entsrprifi') Suryavarman d3spatch?d
next year a navy of 700 vess3ls to harass ths coast of Than
fitoa. A similar attempt was again mad 3 in ll&2wh?nJaya
Indravarman invadad Ngha-An in conc3rt with th3 army of
Camtxxlge, but Was easily d3feat3d by th3 Annamit3af H3
then sattlsd matt3rs with them by paying off ttn tribut3 iti
1. Maspefro gtn>posefe that Jaya Indravtirrtiati was adopted by Hari-
Tliis is a pt-olmble
t? ^,,1 VXTlTT TkT^ O **
ANCIENT HISTORY OF CHAMPA 85
1136 and withdrawing from the offensive alliance he had lately
form3d with th3 king of Cambodga.
But this pusillanimous conduct did not save the unfortu-
nate king. Unsuccessful in his expedition against the Anna-
mite king, Suryavarman now wanted to make amends for his
loss by attacking his faithless ally, the king of Champa. In
1145 h3 invad3d th3 kingdom and made himself master of
Vijaya. Jaya Indravarman VI was eith3r killed in the battb,
or mad 3 a prison 3r. In any case we do not h)arofhimany
more.1
When the kingdom of Champa lay prostrate under the
victorious army of Cambodg^, a scion of the old ruling family,
a descendant o? king Paramabodhisattva, proclaimed himself
king and took refug3 in the south3rn district of Panduranga.
His name was Rudravarman Parama-Brahmaloka, and ho
was the son of an eminent king, whose name, so far as it could b3
recovered, is $ri Rudraloka...Murti. It is just possible that this
Rudra-loka was the succ3ssor of Harivarman V. In that case
Rudravarman Parama-Brahmaloka must b3 regarded as the
bgitimat3 own3r of th3 throne which was succassfully usurp-
ed by Jaya Indravarman VI or his fath3r. Rudravarman
Parama-Brahmaloka was formally cons3Crat3d to the throne,
but he did not enjoy a long reign and died in 1147 A. D.f
On the d?ath of tin king, tin p3Oph of Paudurariga invi-
ted his son Ratnabhumivijaya to b3 the king of Champa, and
1. Toting Pao, 1911 , pp. 293-295.
2. Maspero's account of the events of this period is vitiated by
bis adopting: the wrong reading of a large number of dates
which have since been corrected by Finot. Maspero, for ex-
ample, believed that Rudravarman did not practically rule at
all, having died imraedi itely after his coronation. But we now
know that he raled for at least two years This disposes of his
argument concerning the nse of the title Uroja by his son
(T'oung Pao, 1911. p. M5. fn. 6.).
m WAR WITH
he fkfi£ei$ded the ^h*oae in 114T A. D., under the name '&x
Jaya Harivarmadeva VI, prinoe ^ivanaadana.1
Seven imscriptiona of this iMJig have reached us ( Noa. 72-
2& ), and i«hey enable us to -reconstruct a detailed aeeount of
his life aad reign, such as we do not possess of a/ay other king
o| Champa bafoce or sinca. The early life of Harivarnaa
was far from being pleasant. "Having quittsd his own count-
ry he apejit a long time in foreign lands amid joys and sorrows.
Then he cams hack to Champa".1 This apparcantiy refers to
the period when Jaya Indravarman VI had usurped th^ throne
and Rudravarman fled from tha country with his son.
Harivarman VI ascended tin throne at a very critical
moment. The greater part of the kingdom was und^r a for-
eign foe who was now extending his aggressions to the south,
and the Annamites as well as the Kiratae and other semi-bar-
barous tribes on its frontier took advantage of ths situation
to carry on plundering raids into its very heart. But Harivar*
man was equal to the task that faesd him, and ataered the
vessel of state safely through thesa shoals, amid heavy storms,
back to the harbour.
Scarcely had«theking ascended the throne when the king of
Cambodge commanded Sarikara, the foramost among his generals,
to go and fight him in the plain of Rajapura. Sankara was aided by
a large number of troope from Vij^ya i. e. tho portion of Cham-
p& subject to Caa*boJg3. Harivarman met the hostile army
at Chaklyah (probably the village of Chakling in the south-
ern part of the valley of Phanraug* in tha naighbourhood of tha
*oek of Batau Tablah which contains an inscription d^serib-
ing the battle ) and gained a groat victory. As th3 Myson
inscription tells us : " J^ya ^arivarman fought against tha
^aukara and all the other Cambodian gmerals with
1. Batau Tablnh Inscription No. 75.
ANCIENT HISTORY OF CHAMPA 97
fclnir troops. They died in the field of battle " ( No. T2 ).
This happened in ll47 A. D. (No. 75). Next year "the king of
Cartibodga S3ht an army th6Usted tiin^ stronger than the pre-
vious one to fight in the plain of Virapura" (No. 72). Hari-
varm&n met them at the fijld of Kayev and completely defeated
th3m(No. 75),
Having defeated the two armies S3nt agftirret him, Hati-
varman now felt himself powerful enough to take thd offensive.
The King of Cambodg3 did not underrate the danger. Bfe
hastily consecrated Harideva, the younger brothel1 of feisT fitst
queen, as king of Vijaya, and "commanded various generals
to lead the Cambodian troops and protect pHnca Harideva
until he b3caim king in the city of Vijaya." Jaya Harivatman
also marched towards that citiy and probably re-to&k it before
the arrival of Harideva. In any case the two hostile armfefi m£t
at th3 plain of Mahra ( No. 72 ), " to th3 east of the tetAptd df
GuhbSvara on the river Yarn!" ( No. 74 ), and Harideva was
defeated and killed. "Jaya Harivarmaii destroyed the king
Haridfeva with all his Cham and Cambodian generals and the
Cham and Cambodian troops; they all perished" (No. 72).
Then the victorious king, duly consecrated, ascended tKe
thfrme of his forefathers with due pomp and C3r3nrony (1149
A. D. ) and reigned as supremo king from this time,1 But the
diffiral ties of Harivarman ware far from b3mg over yet. Th3
king of Cambodg3, thric 3 baffled, now hit upon a different pl&tu
He incited the barbarous motint&in trib3S of Champa Against
king.2 The Rade, the Mada and oth?r barbarous tribes,
1. The detailed account of the military campaigns is given in
Myson Inscription ( No. 72). The dates are supplied by
the Batau Tablah Ins. (No. 75).
2. The Myson inscription (No. 72), so far as it has been deci-
phered, does not directly convey the impression thai the king
of Cambodge had incited the tribes, but that seeina to be a
98 WAR WITH CAMBODGE
collectively known by the general appellation of the "Kirata",
now invaded the plain in the neighbourhood of Vijaya. A
battle took place near the village of Slay, and the Riratas were
defeated (No. 72). Unfortunately, Harivarman VI had not
to fear his external enemies alone; his own relatives betrayed
him. The brother of his wife called Vah^araja now joined his
enemies. "The Kirata kings proclaimed his brother-in-law
Van^araja, brother of his wife, as king in the city of Madhya-
magrama." The undaunted king bravely met this new danger.
Jaya Harivarman VI led his army, defeated Vah?araja, cap-
tured the Kirata army, and defeated them all" ( No. 72 ).
The Kirata difficulty was over, but Van-araja remained.
He took refuge in the Annamese court and asked the Emperor
for military assistance in order to placa him on the throne of
Champa. The Annamese Emperor acceded to his request and
declared him king of Champa. The inscription proceeds. "The
king of Yavanas, learning that the king of Cambodge had crea-
ted difficulties in the way of Jaya Harivarman, proclaimed
Van^araja a citizen of Champa, as king. He gave him several
Tavana generals together with hundred thousand valorous
Yavana soldiers Then Jaya Harivarman conducted all
the troops of Vijaya. The two parties were engaged in a ter-
rible combat. Jaya Harivarman defeated Van^araja
and large number of Yavana troops lay dead on the field/'
(1150 A. D.).1
After having thus quelled the external enemies Jaya
Harivarman probably hoped to reign in peace. But that was
not to be. Civil war broke out, first at Amaravafcl ( 1151 ) and
legitimate inference from the few broken sentences that
have been preserved.
1. The detailed account is supplied partly by the Myson Ins.
(No. 72) and partly by the Annamese documents (T'oung
Pao lldl, p. 299). In the Myson Inscription the enemies are
ANCIENT HISTORY OF CHAMPA 99
then at Panduranga (1155). Harivarmau successfully put
th?m down, but Ui3 embers of conflict were not finally extingui-
shed till 1160 A. D. An inscription datod in that year sums
up his military success as follows:
''King £rl Jaya Harivarman, prince ^ivanandana, has
triumphed over all his enemies, to wit, the Cambodgians the
Annamites, Vijaya, Ainaravati, and all the countries of the
north; Panduranga and the countries of the south; the Bade,
the Mada and other barbarous tribes in the regions of the
west. ;>1
Having secured the throne of Champa Jaya Harivarman
had to turn his attention to the restoration of temples and tha
repair of damages. The inscriptions give a long list of his pious
works. He installed a Linya on the MahlSaparvata, and erec-
ted two temples there in memory of his father and mother.1
In accordance with a former vow he restored the temple of
£rlaanabhadre3vara on the Vugvan Mount which was destroyed
by the enemy, and installed several images there, including a
^ivaliiiga. "The fire in the temple of JsrlSanabhadre^vara",
says the king, "was extinguished by the enemies. Having
killed those destroyers in battle, I have built it again." "The
temple was re-established in its old beauty," and as it had
been plundered by the enemy, the king gave all the necessary
called "Yavanas" which might ordinarily be taken to imply
the people of Java. But the agreement of the epigraphic acc-
ount with what we learn from Annamite documents constrains
ns to interpret it as Annamites. Besides, in the Batau Tab-
lah (No. 75) and Po Nagar Inscriptions (No. 76), which con-
tain a list of the tribes with which Jaya Harivarman was at
war, mention is made of the Annamites but not of the "Ya-
vanas".
1. Batau Tablah Ins [No. 75]; Po- Nagar Ins. [No. 76],
2. Myson Ins. No. 72.
100 WAR WITH CAMBODGE
things to the god Elsewhere we are told that "in accordance
with his former vows, he first destroyed the soldiers of Cam-
bodge and the Yavana soldiers ( i. e. Annamites ), and then re-
erected the temple of 3iva which they had destroyed."1
In the year 1157 A. D. the king installed a god, called
after him Harivarmesvara, and granted a number of fields for
his worship2. About 1160, he made donations to the god
Jaya Hariliiigesvara8 as well as to the tutelary deity of the
kingdom, the goddess of Po-Nagara.4 The king also restored
a temple at My son.6
Like Jaya Indravarman, king Harivarman also believed
that he was an incarnation of Uroja. In ordsr to substantiata
his claim, he referred to a treatise called * Puranartha ' which
was apparently regarded as a holy religious text and is descri-
bed as a "mine of useful information in this world" (No. 74).
" Four times I have been incarnated as Uroja; lest I b3
not born again, I re-install this Siva in fulfilment of the pro-
mise I made before.
" The god of gods !§riganabhadre$vara, and the god of
gods established on ths Vugvan mountain-both will bs enriched
by that king who is a portion of myself longing for the glory
of a iSaiva.
" Such is the Puranartha, description of Uroja, which the
world must know." ( No. 74 )
Further, it is curious to note, that liko Jaya Indravarman,
Harivarman also regarded himself as tha fourth incarnation
of Uroja; in other words, Harivarman did not admit tha claim
of Jaya Indravarman to ba regarded as an incarnation of Uro-
1. Myson Ins. [Nos. 72, 73, 74],
2. Mysou Ins. No. 74].
3. Batau Tablah Ins. [No. 75].
4. Po.Nagar Ins. [No. 70],
5. Myson Ins. [No.78].
ANCIENT HISTORY OF CHAMPA 101
ja, probably another evidence of the usurpation of the latter.
Harivarman kept on friendly relations with the Chinese
court. He demanded from the Imperial court the same dig-
nity which his predecessors had enjoyed, and this was accorded
to him in 1155 A. D.1 After the war with the Annamite
Emperor was over (1150), he maintained friendly relations
with that court also. In 1152 he sent rich presenta to the
Emperor, and two years later, when the relations between the
two countries again became rather strained on account of the
repeated incursions of the Chams against Annamite territory,
he pacified the Emperor by presenting him with some women.
He also senfc tribute to the Annamese court in 1155 and 1160.
King Harivarman died shortly after 1162,2 and was succeeded
by his son Jaya Harivarman VII. We do not know anything
of his reign, not even if he actually reigned at all. He is
referred to as king by his son in inscriptions Nos. 94 and 95,
and might have bsen merely a pretender to the throne for all
we know.
Certain it is, that within a year of the death of king
Harivarman VI, the throne of Jhampft was occupied by Pu Ciy
Anak Sri Jaya Indravarman VII, an inhabitant of Qram^pura
Vijaya.3 It does not appear that he was relatad in any way
to Jaya Harivarman VI or VIL On the other hand we know
that the latter had at l^aat two sons who had aft3rwards ruled
in Champa. Tli3re is, th3refor<3, hardly any doubt that Jaya
Indravarman was an usurper.
Jaya ludravarman must have ascended the throne of
Champa as early as 1163 A. D., when he gavs a K&g& to $ri3&-
nabhadreSvara, for whieh 232 golden panas, 82 precious sto-
1. T'onng Pao 1911, p, 302.
2 Ibid p. 303.
3. T'oung Pao 1911, p 303.
102 WAR WITH CAMBODQE
aes, 67 groups of pearls, and 200 pancts of silver wore requi-
red.1 Next year, as well as the year following, he made cost-
ly donations and erected an inner chamber with sandalwood,
silver and gold.2 He sent tributes to th3 Annamite Court in
1164 and 1165.
The ambassador whom he sent in 1166 for the same pur-
pose performed his duties in a somewhat strange fashion.
He led an army and plundered the Annamite population on the
sea-coast. The Annamesa court could hardly be expected to
brook this insult. An Annam9S3 fores entered Champa and
the leader of the expedition wrote a strong letter to the king
recalling the damages done by his troops. Jaya Indravarman
VII hastened to pacify him and sent a noble of his court with a
large quantity of precious stones and other valuable presents.
The matter was then amicably settled, and the Annamese
troops retreated to their country.3
Jaya Indravarman was formally consecrated to tha throne
about 1165 A. D. Immediately after his consecration, ha sent an
ambassador to China asking for investiture from the Imperial
court. The presents which the ambassador took to China had
been plundered from Arab merchants. The amount of tri-
bute appeared to the Chinese emperor to be so very large, that
he was at first inclined to accept only one tenth of it; but when
he came to know of the source from which these articles had
come, by the complaints of the Arab merchants themselves, ha
refused to take anything at all, and ordered a letter to be writ-
ten to Jaya Indravarman explaining the cause of his refusal.
Moreover, the council of ministers decided that it would not
be prudent to invest the king of Champa with the customary
1. Myson Ins. [Nos. 79, 81].
2. Myson Ins. No. 81.
3. T'onng pao 1911, p. 3C3.
ANCIENT HISTORY OF CHAMPA 103
honorary titles till tha commotion caused by the incident had
subsided.
Jaya Tndravarman now turned his attention to the con-
quest of Cambodge. He assured the neutrality of the Anna-
mssa Emperor by payment of rich presents and sanding an
ambassador to pay tha usual homage Baing sacure in the
north, ha attacked tha kingdom of Carnbodge (1170). That
kingdom was th3n ruled over by king Dharanindravarman II.
Both th3 opposing forcas were equally matched and the
war went on for a long time without any decisive result. At
this time a Chinese officer, shipwrecked on the coast of Cham-
pa, taught the king a new cavalry manoauvre, and the art of
throwing arrows from th3 back of a horsa (1171 A. D. ).
Jaya Indravarinau now asked tha Chin3S3 officar to buy horses
for him in his own country. With the h3lp of thasa horses he
was enabled to sacura soma advantage against the enemy, and
this induced him to look for more horsss. In 1172 he ssnt a
Iarg3 numbar of men to Kiong Tchaou, in tha island of Hai
Nan, with the object of purchasing as many hors3s as possible.
They were ill recaived thsre, and therefore retaliated by plun-
daring a numbar of inhabitants they came across. The terri-
fiad people than allowed them to make their purchases. But
the affair came to the knowledge of the Chinese Emperor, and
ia 1175 ha issu3d an ordar prohibiting ths export of horses
outside tha empire. Jaya Indravarman, dasiring to have tha
horsas at any cost, rapatriated to Hai Nan the people captured
by his soldiers in 1172, and sant an ambassador to tha Imperial
court, asking permission to buy horses at that island. The
Emparor replied that it was forbiddan to export those animals
of the empire, and that the rule specially applied to the island
of Hai Nan ( 1176 A. D. ).
Jaj^a Indravarman now gave up the idea of invading Cam-
bodg3 by land. Ha equippad a flaat and sant a naval expadi-
104 WAR WITH CAMBODGE
tion In 11Y7. Proc3eding along tha coast, ths flaet, guided by
a shipwrecked Chin3S3, reach 3d the mouth of tha Grand River
(Mekong). Then going up the river it reached the capital
city. Jaya Indravarman plundered th3 capital and then r<3-
iired, carrying an imm3ns3 booty with him.1
The glorious victory of Jaya Indravarman VII indicatss
the revival of ths old prosperous days of Champa. This was
further shown by the rich donations of the king to various
temples. We have already referred to his rich donations to
£rimnabhadreSvara in 1163 A. D. The Hyson inscription
(No. 81) describss in cbtail how he continued these rich en-
dowments, year after year, in 1167, 1168, and 1170 A. D.
Further, he "installed Buddha Lokesvara, Jaya Indra LokeS-
vara and Bhagavati Sri Jaya IndreSvarl in the district of Bud-
dha, and Bhagavati &ci Indra Gaurisvari in that of Sri
Vinayaka."*
The king also mad3 rich donations to th3 goddess Bhaga-
vati KauthareSvari of Po Nagar temple. "Part of these was
made when the king went to conquer Cambodge". The gift
was jointly made by the king, the queens ParameSvari and
R&yft, princess Bhagyavati, princess Sumitra, princess Sudak-
siuft and Mau s'i Ai Gramapura Vijaya ( th3 princa ? ).3
1. T'cmng Pao 1911, pp. 305—308.
There is some difficulty in fixing the date of Jaya Indra-
varman's invasion of Cambodge. Maspero, apparently on
Chinese and Annamese authority, fixes it at 1170 A. D. But
the Po Nagar Inscription [No. 80] %f hich refers to the king's
campaign against Cambodga is dated 1167 A D. (This date
was formerly read as 1105 Saka but Finot has corrected it to
1080 Saka). In that case the campaign against Cambodga
must have begun 3 years earlier.
2. Mysonlns. [No. 81],
3. Po Nagar Inscription [No. SO],
ANCIENT HISTORY OF CHAMPA 105
An inscription at Afc TKuan ( No. 82^) has preserved relics
of something like a military feudalism that prevailed at the
time. Three dignitaries of the kingdom named Taval Vira
SiiTiha oh Vayak, Taval £ur&dhik* varmma, and Taval Vikranta
Simha oh Dhuu took an oath of allegiance to the king which
contained, among other promises, an undertaking to the effect
that they and their children will fight for their lord in case of
war as long as they live.
The last known date of Jaya Indravarman VIUs 1177
A. D.1 How long he lived aftar that, and whether he could
leave ths kingdom he h&d usurped to his legitimate su603ssors,
are yet unknown.2
KINGS REFERRED TO IN CHAPTER X
1. Jaya Indravarman VI ( 1139—1145 A. D: )
2. Rudravarmun Parama-
Brahnraloka ( 1145—1147 A. D. )
a Jaya Harivarmadeva VI ( 1147—1162 A, D. )
(Son of No. 2)
4. Jaya Harivarman VII ( 1162—1163 A. D. )?
(Ron of No. 3)
5. Jaya Indravarman VII ( 1163-C.1180 A.D, )
1. cf. the Chinese account of the king's expedition against Cam-
bodge. The* last known date from epigraphic records is
1170 A. D. (Myson Ins. No. 81).
2. Maspero's account of this period is now proved to be hope-
lessly wrong in the lifcht of new inscriptions or new interpre-
tation of old inscriptions. I have not made any attempt to
point out the difference between his version and mine as the
two are almost radically different.
CHAPTER XI.
The ; Cambodian, Mongol and
Annamite invasions.
Altar Jaya Indravarman VII we find a new king at
Champa named Jaya Indravarman VIII oh Vatuv. Whether
there was any relationship between the two is yet unknown.1
But the latter continued the "forward" policy of his prede-
cessor, and carried on an agressive campaign against Cambodge.
In 1190 A. D. the king of Cambodge, Jayavarman VII, son
and successor of Dharaiiindravarman II, sent an expedition
against Jaya Indravarman oh Vatuv.
The leader of this expedition, who was ultimately desti-
ned to play an important part in history, was Sri Suryavar-
madeva, prince £rl Vidyanandana of Tumprauk-Vijaya.
He was apparently an inhabitant of Champa, but betook him-
self early in life to Cambodge ( 1182 A. D. ). The
king of Cambodge welcomed him and employed his
services on various occasions. Thus we read: "During
his stay at Cambodge, a dependent town of Cambodge called
Malyan, inhabited by a multitude of bad men, revolted against
the king of Cambodge. The latter seeing the prince well-
versed in arms ordered him to lead the Cambodgian troops
and take the town of Malyah. He did all that the king of
Cambodge desired "s
The king of Cambodge, pleased at his valour, conferred
on him the dignity of Yuvaraja, and when war broke out with
1. Maspero identifies the two kings (Tonne Pao 1911, p. 304,
fn. 2). But this does not seem probable (cf. Finot's remar-
ks B. E. F. vol, XV, No. 2. p. 50. fn. 2).
2. Myson las No. 8-i. The account of Snryavarmadeva— Vid-
yanandana that follows, is entirely basedonthis inscription.
ANCIENT HISTORY OF CHAMPA 107
Champa, as related above, he "sent the prince at the head of
Cambodgian troops in order to take Vijaya, and defeat the
king Jftya Indravarman on Vatuv' l Sri Siiryavarmadeva
obtained a complete victory. He captured the king and had
him conducted to Cambodge by the Cambodgian troops.2
The king of Cambodge now divided Champa into two
portions. Hs placed his own brother-in-law Surya Jayavar-
madeva prince In, as king of the northern part, with Vijaya
as capital, while Siiryavannadeva, prince Sri Vidyanandana,
the victorious general, became king of the southern portion
with his capital at llSjapura in Panrftn.
Survavarmadfcva prince Sri Vidyanandana defeated a
number of 'thieves or pirates', apparontly the adherents of the
late regime that had revolted against him, and reigned in
peace at Rajapura. The northern kingdom, however, was
soon lost to Cambodge. Within two years, Prince R-isupati,
apparently a local chief, led a revolt against the Cambodgian
usurper, Sri Surya Jayavarman prince In. The latter was
defeated, and returned to Cambodge, while Rasupati ascend-
ed the throne under the name of Sri Jaya Indravarmadeva.
The king of Cambodge now sent an expedition against Vi-
jaya (1192 A. D.). With a view, probably, to conciliate the na-
tional sentiments by placing the captared king of Champa
Sii Jaya Indravarmau 011 Vatuv on the throne, as a depen-
dent of Cambodge, he sent him along with this expedition.
The Cambodgian troops first went to Rajapura. There the
king Suryavarmadeva princ3 Sri Vidyanandana put himself
1, Ibid.
2. Ibid, of also tLe Ta Prohm Inscription of J ay a- v aim an VII,
whe:e the king is said to have captured and then released
the king of Champa. B. E. P. vol. VI. p. 44.
108 THE FOREIGN INVASIONS
at their head, and marched against Vijaya. Ha captured
Vijaya and defeated and killed Jaya Indravarman cei Rasu-
pati.
The victorious king of Rajapura now ascended the throne of
Vijaya and the whole of Cham pa was again re-united under him.
Jaya Indravarman oa Vatuv, who was thus deprived of the
throne, fled to Amaravatl. There he collected a large num-
ber of troops and advanced against Vijaya. "The king defeat-
ed him, compelled him to fall back on Traik, and there cap-
tured him and put hirn to death." Henceforth Suryavarma-
deva Vidyanandana ruled ovar tli3 whole of Cliamoa with-
out opposition ( 1192 A D. ).
But he had shortly to reckon with the king of Cambodge
whom he had so basely bstrayed. In 1193 an expedition was
sent against him, but he gained an easy victory. Next yes.r
the expedition was repeated on a larger scale.
"In gaka 1116 (1104 A. D.) the king of Cam bodge sent
a large number of Cambodgian generals with all sorts of
arms. They came to fight with the prince. The latter fought
at Jai Ramya-Vijaya, and vanquished the generals of the
Cambodgian army."1
This was the crowning triumph of Sri Suryavarmacleva,
prince £rl Vidyanandana of TutTiprauk-VJ lya, who b^giu his
life as an exile, but after a romantic career gained the undis-
puted supremacy over the whole of Cham] ».
Immediately after his victory the king sent an ambassa-
dor to the Annamese court (1194 A. D. ). Four years later,
he was formally consecrated to the throne with all due ritts,
and asked for formal investiture from the Chinese Emperor.
This was granted to him in 1199 A. D.8
1. Ibid.
2. T'omitf Pao. 1911, p, 311.
ANCIENT HISTORY OP CHAMPA 109
After the Cambodgiaii war was ovar, the king, we are
told, "marched to Amaravatl and re-erected all the houses."1
la other words, he set himself to the task of restoration, which
was badly needed after the late troublesome period of civil
war and foreign domination. As usual, he made rich gifts to
Sri-'anabhadre^vara.2 Ha also erected a house called ^rl
Herukaharmya. But the king was not destined to enjoy his
sovereignty for a long time. He was defeated in 1203 A. D.
by his paternal uncle, called Yuvaraj a (or son of Yuvaraja)
Mnagahiia on Dhauapati or Yuvaraja on Dhanapatigrama,3
who was sent by the king of Cambodge against him.
The career of this Yuvaraja was analogous in many res-
pects to that of king Siiryavarm<1 himself. He, too, lived as
an exile in the Court of Cambodge and obtained the favours
of the king by successfully suppressing the revolt of Malyaii.
It is just possible that these two Cham chiefs, uncle and
nephew, both went together to Cambodge and tho Malyaii
revolt, which both claim to have subdued, was the self-same
J. Myson Ins. (No. 89).
2. Ibid.
3. The account of Dbanapatigramn is based on the concluding:
portion of two inscriptions at Myson, Nos, 02 and 84. The
identity of Dhampatigrama, mentioned in No 62, with
Mnagahna on Dhanapati (No 84) is not certain but very pro-
bable. It is to be noted that the portion of No. 62 containing
the account of Dhanapatigrama begins with Svasti, which is
generally used at the commencement of a new Inscription.
It was probably added at a later date. The account is partly
corroborated by Aunamite documents (T'oung Pao 1911. p«
311 fn G), The difficulty in the ideatification, noted by Finct
d^es not really exist; cf the text.
110 THE FOREIGN INVASIONS
military expedition in which both of them took part. But
the nephew soon surpassed the uncle, and, as we have seen
above, ultimately became the king of Champa.
The king of Cambodge, twice baffled in his attempt to
defeat him, at last sent the uncle against the nephew. lu
1203 A. D. king Suryavarman was defeated and the Yuvaraja
on Dhanapati ruled over champfi.
Suryavarman now sought protection at the court of
Annam. Accompanied by 200 vessels and a number of his
faithful soldiers he want with his family to the port of Co Li
and asked for shelter. The Ann-unites, however, suspected
his intention, and Pham Gieng, the governor of Nghe
An, wanted to get rid of him. Forewarned o£ this,
the king invited Phain Gieng aboard his ship. That officer
went with a number of vessels, with a quantity of arms con-
cealed therein, an 1 asked his men to examine the vessels
of the Cham king with the light of their torches. But at
night, while the watchmen of the Annamite vessels fell asleep
the Chams threw torches at them. The Annamites started up
out of their sleep, and being seized with pamic threw them-
selves into the sea. A large number of Annamites was thus
drowned. Suryavarman again t3ok to S3a and what became
of him is not known.1
The Yuvaraja Dhanapatigrama, who now ruled over
Champa, had a hard time before him. Rebellion broke out
in various parts of the kingdom. The most formidable was
one led by Putau Ajfia Kn, but it was put down by the Yu-
vanVja. "Then Putau Ajiia Ku revolted. He conquered
from AmaravatI as far as Pidhyan. The king of Ca ui bodge
commanded the Yuvaraja to lead the troops of Cambodga
and capture Putau Ajfift Po Ku. He captured him and
1. Toung Tao 1011, pp. ^11—312.
ANCIENT HISTORY OF CHAMPA 111
sent him to Cambodge according to the desire of the king"
(No. 62).
The king of Cambodge, pleased at his valour, conferred
high dignities on him, and apparently formally appointed him
as the ruler of Champa in 1207 A. D. (cf. No. 86).
While the Yuvaraja was ruling in Champa, a new figure
appeared on the scene. This was Jaya ParameSvaravarma-
deve Oa Aiiforaja of Turai-Vijaya,1 son of Jaya Hurivarmau
VII. He was the legitimate owner of che throne of Champa
of which his father had been wrongly dispossessed by Jaya
Indravarraan VII Gr&mapura Vijaya. During the period of
usurpation by that monarch, and the disastrous Cambodge
war that followed, Oh AiiSaraja lived as an exile and at last
took refuge in the court of Cambodge.
In 1201 A. D. the king of Cambodge conferred upon him
the title of '-Pu Pon pulyau Sri Yuvaraja", and afterwards
gave him permission to live in Champa with the Governor
Yuvaraja Dhanapatigrama.2 It must have been with a mixed
feeling of joy and sorrow that the exile returned to his
native land, only to find the throne of his forefathers occu-
pied by an usurper. Why he was sent to Champa,
and what he did here tfor the next twenty years are
yet unknown. It appears, however, that Champa was at this
time very hard pressed by the Annamites. The Cho Dinh
Inscription tells us: "Then (sometime afoer 1207 A. D.) the
Siamese and the Pukam (Paganese) came from Cambodge
and a battle took place with the Annamites. The Cambo-
1. The account of On Ansaraja of Turai-Vijaya who ascended
the throne nnder the name of Jaya Paramos varavarmaa ia
based on nine inscriptions (Nos. 83-D'f).
2. T'oung Tao 1911. p. 313,
112 THE FOREIGN INVASIONS
dgian generals led the troops which opposed the Annamitea
and the loss on both sides was very great.1'1 The Annatnite
documents inform us that the Chams aided by the Cambo-
dgians attacked Nghe-An in 1216 and 1218, but the gover-
nor oj the Province dispersed them.2
It would thus appear that since about 1207 A. D. a long
series of battles followed, in which victory more often inclin-
ed to the Annarnites.
These long-drawn battles must have exhausted the Cam-
bodgians. As a matter of fact, the series of warfares in
which they were involved ever since 1190 A. D., when they
conquered Champa, must have proved too great a burden
for the people of Cambodge, and, to make matters worse,
the Siamese at this time began to press them hard from the
west. At last in 1220 A. D, the Cambodgians evacuated
Champa, and a formal peace was probably concluded with
Oh Au^ar&ja of Turai-Vijaya in 1222 A. D. lu any case the
latter ascended the throne of his ancestors under the name
of Jaya Paramesvaravarman IV, and was formally consecra-
ted to the throne in 1226 A. D. Henceforth the king reig-
ned in peace. He restored order in the different parts of his
kingdom and set himself to the task of repairing damages
caused by the "Cambodge war of 32 years" (1190— 1222
A. D.)3
The king, as usual, made rich donat'ons to Sii'anabhad-
regvara* and the goddess Po Nagara.6 He installed the
1. Cho-dinh Ins. (No. 86).
2. T'onng Pao 1911, pp. 313-14; cf. also B. E. F. vol. XV1IT,
No. 3 p. 35.
3. Oho-dmh IriR (No. 8f»).
4. Myson Ins (No. 87).
ANCIENT HISTORY OF CHAMPA 113
image of the god Svayam-Ut'panna1 and endowed him richly.3
He re-installed all the lingas of the south, viz. those of Yan
Pa Nagara and the lingas of the north, viz. those of Srifona-
bhadre^vara, and made donations tto the god Camped vara,3
as well as to a number of Buddhist divinities 4
The last known date of the king is 1234 A. D. and the
earliest date of his successor, 1243 A. D. The death of tha
king must, therefore, have taken place sometime betweeii
these dates.
Jaya ParameSvaravarman IV was succ3eded by his
brothar Jaya Indravarman X prince Harideva of Sakan-
Vijaya. About this time a powerful dynasty was established
on the throne of Annum. The new king of Annam madd
remonstrances to the court of Champa against the conduct of
Cham pirates who pillaged the Annamite population on the
sea-shore. The king of Champa demanded m reply the res-
titution of the three northern districts of Champa conquered
by Annam. This irritated the emperor of Annam who led
in person an expedition against Champa. The campaign was
long and arduous, but did not lead to any decisive result.
The Emperor returned with a number of prisonfer^, includ-
ing a qheen and a number of nobles and concubines of th<3
king of Champa.5
After this Jaya Indravarman X lived atpeacs with his north-
ern neighbour and devoted his time to pious worka He made
rich donations to fSriganabhadre3var& 6 His daughter Pu-lyafi
Ratnavall, princ3ss Suryadevi, and hsr husband, a nobleman
IT Cho-dinh Ins. 1 No.~89)^
2. Lomngoeu Ins. (No. 91). Phanrang Ins. (No. 92).
3. Lomngocu Ins (No. 91).
4. Kim Choua Ins. (No. 1J3).
5. Touiig Pao 1911, p. 432.
C Mysou Ins. (Nc. 94N.
114 THE FOREIGN INVASIONS
called Oh Raiu Nandana made rich presents to the Po Nagar
temple, and installed there the images of goddess Matrlinge-
6vari and goddess KauthareSvar!.1
In the year 1257 A. D. the king was murdered by his
nephew, sister's son, named Pulyan Sri Yuvaraja Vlom. The
regicide then ascended the throne under tho name of Sri Jaya
Simhavarman 111(1257 A. D. ). There ssemod to ha vebeen some
disturbances in the kingdom. An inscription at Po Nagar,
dated 1257 A. D., records the donation of the king Sakranta
belonging to Manclavijaya. Apparently a local chief had S3t
himself up as king at the place named. But nothing more is
heard of him, Most probably Jaya Simhavarman defeated
him. Jaya Simhavarman further cut off the two thumbs of
his only surviving maternal uncle, the younger brother of
king Jaya Indravarman X, so as to remove all possibilities of
danger in that direction. Having thus secured his position
against all possible enemies, Jaya Siilihavarman was formally
consecrated to the throne in 126G A. D. under the name Indra-
varman ( XI).2
The new king wanted to remain at peace. So immedia-
tely after his coronation he sent an ambassador with tributes
to the court of Annam (12GG) and renewed it again in 12G7,
12G9, and 1270.
The pious endowments of the king are recorded in seve-
ral inscriptions. In 1274 A. D. he presented the god Svaya-
mutpanna with a large elephant and G slaves (No. 10G). Four
1. Po Nagar Ins. (Nos. 97, 98, 105).
2. Batau T.-iblah Ins No. 104. It may bo concluded from this
inscription that during the period 1257-1266 A, D. Jaya Sim-
havrtrman was king of the southern region only and in 1266
he became the king of the whole country. It is possible that
Sakranta was the king of the noithern regions during that
ANCIENT HISTORY OF CHAMPA 115
years later, his noble queen Suryalaksim installed the statue of
the god Bhumivijaya.1 In the Po Nagar temple the king installed
&i Indravarma-Sivalingejvara, and dedicated three infants to
tho god. He also install ad there Siva-liriga and the god Sri-
£anabhadres*vara and endowed the goddess KauthareSvarl with
lands ( Nos. 108 and 1C 9 ).
But the reign of king Lidravarman XI was destined to in-
volve Champa into one of the greatest calamities that ever
befell her. She had just pass3d through Cambodgian incur-
sions lasting 32 years; now she was to suffer the unspeakable
horrors of a Mongol invasion.
The Mongols had suddenly risen as a groat power in Asia
towards the close of the twelfth century A. D. Their great
leader Chenghiz Khan (1162 — 1227 A. D.) had conquered
large territories in Asia and eastern Europe, and planned the
conquest of China when he died. At his death his empire
extended beyond the Caspian sea and the Black sea on the
west, as far as Bulgaria, Servia, Hungary and Russia. To tha
east it included Korea and reached the Pacific oc3an, and oil
the south it was bounded by India, Tibet and the ruins of tha
splendid empire of Khwarezm, Ogotai, tht) son and successor
of Chenghiz Khan, conquered that portion of China over which
the Kin dynasty ruled, and was aided in this task by the Sou-
ng dynasty who ruled over tli3 rest. But tha turn of th'3 Sou-
ng dynasty was loon to come. Ogotai's son and successor Kou
youk having died in 1248, the Mongol empire passed on to
Mangkou(1248 — 1259), a grandson of Chenghiz Khan, and
then to his brother the famous K'oublai Khan (1260 ). K'ou-
blai had conquered Yun Nan (1253) Curing his brother's
reign, and after his accession to the throne, he looked forward
to the conquest of the whole of the Chinese Empire by putt-
1. Yang Kur Ins. (No. 107).
116 THE FOREIGN INVASIONS
ing an end to the Soung dynasty. But even while he was
carrying on the struggle with the Imperial dynasty, K'oublai
Khan sought to exact the oath of allegiance from all foreign
states that had hitherto accepted the Chinese Emperor as their
suzerain. So an invitation was sent to the kings of Annam and
Champa to come and pay their homage as vassals to the Great
Khan. In 1278 Sagatou, a high official of the Khan, reported
that king Indravarman of Champa was willing to submit. On
hearing this K'oublai gave the title of "Prince of second rank"
to the king and gave rich presents to the Cham ambassadors
who presented themselves to the court in 1279. But K'oublai
Khan wished his feudal kings to come in person to the court
in order to perform the act of vassalage, and so early in 1280
sent an embassy to Champa, inviting king Indravarman to
come in person to the court. The latter was unwilling to do
BO, and in the month of May sent an embassy offering submi-
ssion. This, however, did not satisfy the Khan who on 1st
July renewed his command to the king to present himself to
the court. In reply the Cham king sent on the 5th September
some nobles of his court with a few elephants as presents,
whereupon the great Khan sent 'an ambassador extraordi-
nary' to king Indravarman, asking him to send to the Imperi-
al court a few nobles of his court together with one of his
younger sons. Indravarman then sent two embassies, one
on the 13th August, 1281, and the other, two months later,
so that K'oublai at last decided to confer on him the insignia
of "Prince Imperial of the second rank."
K'oublai now treated Champa as part of his empire.
He appointed Sagatou and Lieou Cheng as viceroys to
administer Champa in the name of the king. The old and
feeble king submitted to this humiliation, but his proud son,
the prince Harijit, could not bring himself to yield to it. He
ANCIENT HISTORY OF CHAMPA 117
fanned the popular discontent which ultimately became so
serious that the viceroys of the Khan, no longer feeling their
position secure, went to their country.
K'oublai now decided on an expedition against Champa.
He made extensive preparations and entrusted it to Sagatou.
But before this expedition could start, Champa gave another
provocation to the great Khan, by arresting and imprisoning
his ambassadors to Siam and Malabar. Neverthsless, the Khan,
who was a thorough diplomat, called a Cham ambassador who
was pressnt in his court, gave him some clothes, and asked
him to t^ll the old king, that he had nothing to fear, that his
guilty son aloaa will b3 punished, and nona elsa n33d b3 afraid
at all. At last in 1282 Sagatou, invested with the title of
"the governor of the provincs of Champa," embarked his troopa
on thousand vessels- the land route through Tonkin b3ing refu-
sed by the Annamite King — and landed hia army unopposed
on the coast of Champa. The Cham army guarded the cita-
d3l of Mou Tcheng and was led by prince Harijit in person.
Sagatou tried the method of conciliation, but failed. At lasfc
the battle took place in January, 1283. The Chains, 10,000
strong, fought obstinately for six hours, but thsn beat retreat.
The Mongols entered the citadel and kilbd about a thousand
persons. King Indravarman XI put his magazine to fire and
then retired with his troops to the mountains.
The Mongol army now made preparations to conquer ths
metropolitan province. On the third day, however, an envoy
came from king Indravarman, tendering submission on tha
part of his master. Next day Sagatou, who had already
reached the south-eastern limit of the province, dismissed ths
ambassador, and charged him to tell his master, that he was
pardoned, but must come in person and present himself before
him. On the following day Sagatou entered into the province when
118* THE FOREIGN INVASIONS
an envoy from Indravarman announced that th? king woulo}.
presently arrive, whereupon Sagatou camped outside the capi-
tal city.
But the king never really intended to present himself
before the Mongol Chief he merely wanted to temporise.
But still fearing the wrath of the Great Khan he sent on the
following day his maternal uncle Pao-t'o-t'ou-houo ( Bhadra-
deva ? ) for presenting tribute of submission. He represented
that the king wished to come in person but was prevented
by a malady, and that his son wants three days' time to pre-
sent himself. Sagatou became furious and Pao-t'o-t'ou-houo went
back to Indravarman to narrate what had happened.
The heir-apparent, prince Harijit, had no more desire
than his father to present himself before the Mongol comman-
der. He sent, inst3ad, two of his brothers to the Mongol camp.
They told Sagatou that their elder brother had died of the
wounds he had received in battle, and that their father, the
king, was struck by an arrow in his chin, and although gradu-
ally improving, was not yet in a condition to present himself.
Sagatou saw through the trick and would not listen to any
excuse. He even doubted whether the envoys were really
eons of king Indravarman. But he sent them back and trans-
mitted through them the order to the king to come and pay
respect in person.
Shortly, the Chinese spies brought news that king Indra-
varman had entrenched himself on mount Ya Hcou, with
20,000 men, and that he had s?nt ambassadors to Annam, Cam-
bodge and Java, asking for military assistance Sagatou then
sent a detachment of his army against the king. Although
succsssful at first, the Mongol troops W3re harassed by the ene-
my in tha unknown mountain forests, and r?gain3d th> camp
with great difficulty and after h?avy losses. But Sagatou
being re-inforcad from China, himself took the offensive
ANCIENT HISTORY OF CHAMPA 119
on the 14th June, 1283, and inflicted great loss on the Cham
army. King Indravarman again retired to the mountains and
the great Mongol general had again to fall back on the old
expedient, viz. writing letters to king Indravarman to coma
and tender his submission in person.
Thus inspite of all his victories Sagatou could not secure any
substantial result. Th3 king of Champa was as inaccessible as
before, and his own position, in an enemy's country, was ever
precarious. B?sides, he was unpopular in the army, and thera
were heavy d°S3rtions both among soldiers and offic3rs.
The Cham campaign had already cost K'oublai Khan hea-
vily in men and monsy. Nev9rtli3less, in 1284, he arranged
to 83nd another supporting army of 15,000 soldiers. The num-
ber of vess3ls being insufficient, only a part of the army could
immediately start. But disaster dogged their footstep and
th 3 first division of the navy, carrying th3 first batches of sol-
diers, completely disappeared, within sight of the Chon Mei
Lein canal, and no one knew what bacame of hor.
The rest of the troops safely reached tli3 coast of Champa
under the leadership of Wan Hou Lieou Kiun K'ing. But hav-
ing arrived at Sri Banoy, Wan Hou learnt to his great surprisa
that Sagatou had burnt his camp and started on his return
journey a few days bsfors. HB tli3n ad vane 3d alone and sent
an ambassador to Indravarman asking him to com 3 in person
with his son. But tli3 king was in no mood to listen to this
aft3r tin d3parture of ths main Mongol forci. H^ m3rely
S3nt a raply vsaying that th3 army of Sagatou had put the cou-
ntry to fire and sword, without leaving anything that could b^
offered as present, and that next year he would send his own
son with presents. He thsn decided to send his grandson to
the Emperor to renew the oaths ef allegianca (1284). Three
months later, he ssnt to K'oublai a map of his kingdom and
the following month he S3nt an embassy of 18 persons with a
120 THE FOREIGN INVASIONS
prayer for the withdrawal of troops on condition of regular
payment of tribute. Three months later still, the same ambassa-
dors again presented themselves to the court of the great Mon-
gol with rich presents.
But inspite of all those embassies and assuranc3s of sub-
mission, things continued as before. The king stationed him-
self in the mountains, re-forming his army as soon as it was
dispersed by the Mongols, while the latter, unabb to S3cure any
solid advantage, suffered from heat, diseases and want o£ pro-
visions. So, in order to bring the campaign to a successful
end at any cost, the great Khan resolved to send by land an
army sufficiently strong for the final conquest of Champa.
In order to reach Cham pa- it was n?c°ssary to pass through
Annamite territory. The king of that country, like Indravar-
man, had obstinately refused to pay homage in person. His
son and successor Nho'n-Ton resolved to follow the same policy,
and when invited to present himself at the court, sent his
uncle Tran-di Ai. K'oublai, furious at this obstinacy, declared
Nho'n — Ton to have forfeited the throne, and appointed Tran-
di- Ai as king in his place. He also appointed Tch'en Tch'ouen
as "Ambassador Extraordinary and Generallissimo of Annam",
and asked him to go and install Tran-di- Ai on the throne.
They were, however, unable to ent^r into Anriam, and
Nho'n-Ton also refused passage to the troops of Sagatou. Next
year Sagatou asked him for m?nand provisions, but he refused.
He stated that Champa was a small country long since subject
to his government, that his father had lived on good terms
with it, and that he also followed the same policy. Moreover,
for thirty years there was no war b ^tween the two countries,
and he, therefore, excused himself from supplying provisions.
Four months later, in 1284, he gave a similar reply to a fresh
demand for provisions. At the same time h? protested against
ANCIENT HISTORY OF CHAMPA 421
the accusation that he had helped Champa with 20,000111611
and 500 vessels.
It was undoubtedly an enlightened view of his own inte-
rest, rather than any sympathy for Champa, that made Nho'n
Ton so obstinate in refusing a passage through his country.
He knew he was secure from an invasion by the Mongols so
long as they were busy with Champa, and that the moment his
neighbour would submit, his own turn would come. So when
he at last received a peremptory order to give passage to the
troops bound for Champa, he opposed thsir advance into his
territory.
The Mongol troops were commanded by Togan tli3 son of
K'oublai. Failing to win over the Annamite king by diplo-
macy, he at last invaded the passes leading to that country
and carried them one after another. Then winning victory
after victory, he crossed the Red river and entered the capital
of Annam as victor. At the same time Sagatou advanced from
the south and defeated the enemy at Nghe-An and Than Hoa.
At last the Annamite Emperor took the offensive. He defeat-
ted Togan in the north and drove back his army beyond ths
Red river. Sagatou, unaware of this defeat, was still advanc-
ing into the enemy's country, when he was surprised and com-
pletely defeated. He was killed in the action and his head
was presented to Nho'n Ton.
Thus Champa was at last delivered from the scourge of
Mongol invasion. In order to prevent a repetition of the catas-
trophe Indravarman hastened to o^nd an ambassador with rich
presents to K'oublai (1285). The great Khan had now renoun-
C3d all hopes of conquering Champa and released the priso-
1. The account of the Mongol expedition to Chai&pa is based on
T'ouug Fao 1911 (pp. 450-475).
122 THE FOREIGN INVASIONS
King Indravarman XI, who had heroically sustained the
arduous struggle against his powerful foe, probably did not
long survive this happy deliverance It appears from the
account of Marco Polo who visited Champa about 1288 A. D.
that king Indravarman was already dead.1
He was succeeded by his brave son prince Harijit, born of
the queen Gaudendralaksmi, who had bravely stood by his
father in his hours of trial, and now ascended the throne und^r
the nam° of Java Simhavarman IV. He restored p^ace in the
kingdom which it badly needed after the long and arduous
campaign.
The proud king rlisp^ns^d with all marks of vassalacp in
respect of the great K'oublai Khan. When the Mongol fleet
•passed by the coast of Champa in course of an expedition to
Java, the king mobilised his forces, and held himself in readi-
nes to prevent any attempt at landing. Fortunately no un-
toward events took place.
He also stopped the payment of usual tribute to Annam.
There King Nho'n Ton had abdicated the throne in favour of
his son Anh-Ton and retired to hermitag3. After spending a
secluded life for some time, Nho'n-Ton desired to visit the holy
places of different countries, and in 1301 A. D. cam^ to Champa.
He lived there for 9 months and was so hospitably treated by
Jaya Simhavarman that before his departure he promised the
king the hand of one of his daughters.
The court of Annam coldly received the proposal. But
Jaya Simhavarman, who had already married a princoss of
Java (or Malaya Peninsula) named Tapasi, was eager for this
new alliance. Negotiations continued as late as 1305, but Jaya
1. Different dates are proposed for Marco Polo's visit to Cham-
pa, but 1288 is generally accepted. (Yule — Marco Polo vol.
II. p. 27L). T'oung Pao, 1911 p. 470 fn. 2. p. 471. fn. 3.
ANCIENT HISTORY OF CHAMPA 123
Simhavarman, impatient afc the dslay, sent an ambassador with
nuptial presents and promised to cede to Annam, on the day of
marriage, the two northern provinces of his realm, correspond-
ing to Thua Thien, the southern portion of Quang Tri and the
northern part of Quang Nam. It is an irony of fate that the .
man who fought so valiantly for his country even at the risk
of his own life, did not scruple to part with two of the most
valuable provinces of his kingdom, including the famous strong-
hold of Kiu Sou, for a mere hobby. Thus was Champa dis-
membsred a second time (cl p. 82 above). The Annamite
council made a last attempt to prevent the alliance which they
considered as humiliating for the daughter of an Emperor, but
Anh-Ton, more practical than his ministers, was ready to sacri-
fice his sense of prestige and brotherly sentiments for the good of
the country. He accepted the provinces and sent the princess to
Jaya Siiuhavarman. All along the way, popular ballads, com-
posed on the occasion, were sung by the young and the old
alike, jeering " at the Emperor of the Hans who had given
away his daughter to the king of the Huns"1 (1306).
Aymonier supposes that this daughter is probably referred to
as Paramesvaii, daughter of king Devadideva, in the Posah
Ins. (No. 110), for the Annarnite kings were known as the
kings of gods among the Cambodgians.2 But king Jaya
Simhavarman IV did not live long after this marriage,
and died in 1307 A. D. He had established a Mukhalinga
called Jaya SimhavarmalingeSvara at TaJi and made many
other religious endowments.8
1. The allusion is to two political marriages between Hau prin-
cesses and the Hnn chiefs that took place long ago.
2. Bulletin de la commission archeologique deiMndoohine, 1911,
p. 17.
3. Po Klong Gorai Inscriptions (Nos. 111-115), and Tali Ins.
Xo. 11G.
124 THE FOREIGN INVASIONS
As soon as the king of Annam h^ard of Jay a Simhavar-
man's death he sent a high official to bring back his sister. It
was a delicate task, for according to the custom of Champa
the queen had to be burnt alive on the funeral pyre of her
husband. After a great deal of difficulty, however, the queen
was brought back to Annam.
Jaya Simhavarman was succeeded by his son prince Hari-
jitatmaja, born of the queen Bhaskaradevi. Ho was born in
1274 A. D. and was therefore 33 years old at the time of his
accession. His early career is known to us from one of his
records.1 In 12S8 A. D. he had received the titb Taval £ura
Adhikavarman. Two years later he was appointed to govern
a district extending from the river Vauk as far as Bhumana
Vijaya. In 1301 his fath-r gave him the name Pulyaii Ud-
dhrta Simhavarman. In 130G he got the name Mahendra-
varman.
He at first kept friendly relations with the court of Annam.
But this attitude waa not pr^s3rved for long and he often tur-
ned rebellious. The facb was that he regratt 3d the cession of two
provinces by his father which brought the north-rn boundary
of Champa far to th? south, and the people of the two province
also chafed at the foreign domination. The result was rebel-
lions and frequent incursions into those provinc3s, so much
so- that the Annamito colonists installed in the two provinces
found it impossibb to live ttera. So at the banning of 1312,
the Annamite emperor Anh Hoang decided to load an expadi-
tion against Champa. Just at this moment an ambassador
from Simhavarman presented himself with tribute. The am-
bassador was prevailed upon to go back and induce his master
to submit to~ Annam.
The Emperor himself led the expedition and king Sin'iha-
1. PosaL Ins No. 110.
ANCIENT HISTORY OF CHAMPA 125
varman was induced to submit without any fight. The king
with his whole family went by sea and pres3nted themselves
before the Annamite Emperor. His soldiers, however, wpre
enraged at this humiliation, and attacked the camp of the
Emperor. They were, however, soon defeated and took to
flight. Thereupon Simhavarman was made prisoner, and his
brother Che-Da-a-ba-niem was entrusted with the government
of Champa with the title "Feudatory princ3of th3 second rank."
The campaign was over in six months and Anh Hoang cam^
back to his capital with his royal prisoner. He gave him high
honours but that was a poor consolation to the captive who died
at the beginning of 1313. His body was burnt and the ashes
were buried in the ground according to the custom of Champa.1
The kingdom of Champa had now practically b?coine an
Annanrita provincs. The Clnnoso Emperor, however, could ill
brook it. He pretended that Champa was still his own vassal-
state and ord^rjd its king to send him rlunocBros and elephants.
Anh Hoang, however, paid no h?ed to these demands, and
looked upon himself as the sole king of Champa. At the same
time he acc3pted the responsibility of the position, for, when
in 1313 A. D. bands of Siamese invaded Champa arid commit-
ted pillage and destruction, Anh Hoang sant one of his officials
against th?m and they wera driven away.
Chu-Da-a-ba-niem, who had been plac?d on the throne by
tli3 Annamitcs, assumed tli3 name of Che Nang after corona-
tion (1312 A. D. ). Two years later, Anh Hoang abdicated
ths throne in favour of his son Ninh Hoang. Che Nang took
advantage of this change of mast?r in throwing off his yoke to
1. T'onng Pao 1911, p. 590-594. The history cf Champa for the
next hundred years is almost solely known from Annamite
documents, the next Cham Insciiption being dated 1401
A, D. The account in the text that follows is almost solely
based on Muspero's amount in T'oung Pao 1911 pp. 595 ff.
126 THE FOREIGN INVASIONS
Annam. He had some successes at first but was soon defeated
and took to flight. Afraid of meeting with his brother's fate he
fled the country and took refuge in Java (c. 1318 A. D. ). With
him ended the dynasty founded by Rudravarman Parama-
Brahmaloka in 1145 A. D.
KINGS REFERRED TO IN CHAPTER XL
1. Jaya Indravarman VIII oh vatuv ( 1180—1190 A. D. ).
2. Surya Jaya varmadeva prince In (1190 — 1191 A. D. ).
( Cambodian usurper )
3. Jaya Indravarman IX cei Rasupati ( 1191—1192 A. D. ).
4. Suryavarmadeva prince Sii (1192 — 1203 A. D. ).
Vidyanandana
5. Oh Dhanapatigrama (1203—1222 A. D.).
6. Jaya ParameSvaravarmadeva (1222-c. 1240 A. D.)
( Son of Jaya Harivarman VII;
cf chap. X ).
7. Jaya Indravarman X (c. 1240-1257 A. D.)
( Younger brother of No. 6 )
8. Jaya Simhavarman III or
Indravarman XI ( 1257-c. 1287 A. D. )
(Nephew, sister's son, of No. 7)
[ 9- gakranta ! ( usurper ? ) 1257 A. D. ]
10. Jaya Simhavarman IV (c. 1287-1307 A. D.)
also called Harijit
(Son of No- 8)
11. Harijitatmaja-Mahendravarman ( 1307—1312 A. D. )
(Son of No. -10)
12. Che Nang ( 1312-c. 1318 A. D. )
( brother of No. 11)
Chapter XI I.
The Annainite conquest of Champa.
The kingdom of Champa was now without a king and
there was probably no legitimate heir to the throne. On the
recommendation of the victorious Annamit3 general, the Empe-
ror appointed a military chief called A-Nan as his viceroy in
Champa (1318 A. D. ).
A-Nan behaved exactly like his prodecessor. As soon as
he felt himself powerful enough he tried to shake off the
Aunamit'3 yoke. For thus purpose he commenced negotiations
with the Mongols who had never ceased to demand contributions
from Champa. In 1321 A-Nan received the order to send
some domesticated elephants, and sent an ambassador with the
tribute in 1322. Next year he sent hisbrotli3r to the Chinese
Emperor asking for assistance against his powerful neighbour in
the north. The Emperor Jen Tsong agreed to this and sent
ambassadors to Ninh Hokng asking him to respect the integri-
ty of Champa (1324). Ninh Homing replied to this message
by sending an expedition against Champa in 1326. But it led
to disasters. A-Nan defeated his army and hencoforth csased
to consider himself as his vassal.
On the other hand A-Nan continued his relations with the
Mongols, and sent ambassadors to the Chinese court in 1327,
1 328 and 1 330. Then he ceased to s?nd them and reigned as
an independent sovereign. Neither Annam nor China was in
a position to make an effective protest against this. In tha
caso of the former, the practice, which had hardened into a
custom, for the emperors of the Tran dynasty to abdicate ths
throne in favour of a boy made it impossible to assert its rights,
while the discord between the Mongols and the native inhabi-
tants in China eafoebhd the C3ntral authority there. Thus
128 THE ANNAMITE CONQUEST OF CHAMPA
A-Nan reigned during the last eleven years as an independent
king and brought back peace and tranquility to the kingdom
which had not known it for a long time.
A-Nan had a son-in-law Tr& Ho& Bo De and placed more
confidence in him than in his own son Che Mo. Bo D3, whila
outwardly showing great affection for Che Mo, excited popular
sentiment against him, and ingratiated hims3lf into the favour
of th3 military chiefs. Thus when A-Nan died, Bo Do had no
difficulty in removing Che Mo and making himself king in his
plac3 (June, 1342).
Cli3 Mo did not taks this act of usurpation lying down.
He collected th? loyal people and fought with Bo Do for tlr->
throne. Being defeated Ii3 sought protection in tin court of
Annam. Th3 king of Annaru took advantage of this to demand
tribute of Bo Da and th3latt?r hastened to ssnd an ambassador;
but his presents were consid3red insufficient.
At the same time although Che Mo was well received, and
his presents accepted with thanks, no preparation was made
for sending an expedition to Champa in his favour. At last,
tired of waicing, one day he addressed the king of Annam :"My
lord, in old days a king of Champa was very fond of a monkey
and announced a reward of 10,000 gold coins for anyone who
cuuld train it to speak. At last a man offered to do it in three years,
on condition of receiving 100 gold coins every month. "Within
these three years" said he, "either ths king or the monkey
or I shall die." The king of Annam understood the import of
the parable, and sent an expedition (1353), but as the army did
not meet with the navy at the appointed place, it came back.
Che Mo, who returned with the army, died shortly afterwards.
Bo De, elated beyond measure at the retreat of the An-
namite troops, now took th3 offensive in order to reconqusr ths
northern districts, bui hi was defeatadm his first attack (1353
A. D. ) and gave up the enterprise.
ANCIENT HISTORY OF CHAMPA 129
Bo D^ was 8dcc3oded by Ch3 Bang Nga. The date of his
acc3ssion and his r3lationship with Bo D3 are alik3 unknown.
But it is probable that he came to the throne sometime about
1360 A. D.
The reign of Che Bong Nga was remarkable for a series
}f victorious campaigns against Annam. In 1361 he suddenly
raided tho port of Da Li (Li-Hoa in Botrach). Having put
to flight the soldiers who defended it, he pillaged the town
and its neighbourhood, massacred th3 population and re-
turned by sea with an immense booty. Next year he plun-
dered the chief town of Hoa Chan. In 1365 the Chams
carried away tho boys and girls of Hoa Chan who gathered
to C3lebrata a festival according to local custom.
At last in 1368 Du Hoang, the king of Annam, sent a
powerful army against Champa, but Che Bong Nga lay in
ambush, surprised them completely, and put them to a pre-
cipitate retreat.
In the meantime Tchou Youen-Tchang had driven away
the last Mongol emperor from China and ascend 3d the throne
under the name of Houng Wou (1368), He founded the Impe-
rial Ming dynasty and installed his court at Nanking. His
first care was to re-establish tli3 unity of the empire, and
with this view he ordered all his vassal states to pay alle-
giance to the Emperor. Chs Bong Nga had already sent
tributes to the new emperor, and the latter was pleased to
B^nd presents to him and confer upon him the title of " King
of Champa," The Cham king sent another ambassador in
1370, and continued to pay the homage regularly ysar after
year. Houng Wou S3iit one of his officers to Champa to
offer propitiatory sacrifices to the spirit of the mountains
and rivers and to institute an examination for the students.
At tin sani3 time he enjoined upon both Annam and Champa
130 THE ANNAMITE CONQUEST OF CHAMPA
to c^ase their quarrels and live on good terms with each
other.
Du Hoang, the king of Annam, died in June, 1369. One
of his younger sons was placed on the throne by the intri-
gues of the queen-mother. But Phu, the brother of the
deceased king, revolted against him, put him into prison and
ascended the throne under the name of Nghia-Hoang (1370
A. D.). The queen-mother Du'o'ng Khu'o'ng then flod to
Champa and enlisted tli3 h-lp of Che Bong Nga. In 1371 the
latter sailed with a fl^et and marched unopposed to tho
capital. He pillaged tha city, burnt the royal palace and re-
turned with a rich booty (1371),
Next year, Chn Bong Nga, with impudent effrontery,
wrote a long btter to th? Chinese Emperor, complaining
that the Annamit3 troops had invaded his territory and were
harassing his people. " I b?g your Majesty," th^ letter con-
cluded, "to send me some military equipments, instruments
of music and some musicians. Then Annam will S3e that
the kingdom of Champa is tributary to your Majesty, and
will not dare to molest it". This direct psrversion of truth
was apparently intended to forestall the complaints of
Annam, and assure tti3 nautrality o£ China. Tli3 Chinesa
Emperor fell into the trap. He did not S3nd the things asked
for, but 83nt a long letter in reply, observing, among others,
" that from this day forth Annam must take back his army,
and Champa should make peaca with h3r, so that the two
countries might be content with th3ir own legitimate domi-
nions." Further, Che Bong Nga phas3d the Einp?ror bs-
yonciymeasure by prss3nting to him tl\3 rich booty which
he had taken from the pirates subdued by him (1373).
In the m?antimo Nghia-Hoang had abdicated the throne
of Annam in favour of Kham Hoang (1372). Ths now King
ANCIENT HISTORY OF CHAMPA 131
resolved to avenge the insult that Champa had inflicted
upon his dynasty, and made preparations on a large scale.
As soon as Chs Bong Nga came to know of this, he has-
tened to communicate to the Chinese Emperor that he was
attacked by the Annamites. The latter, tired of these re-
ciprocal complaints, justly observed that if this year Champa
complained of Annamite aggression, last year it was Annam
who demanded aid against the aggression of the Chams,
and that consequently it was impossible to know who was
in the wrong. He again advised both of them to suspend
their war-like activities and live on good terms with each
other.
After a great deal of delay, Kham Hoang at last marched
at the head of more than 1,20,000 men in January 1377,
and arrived unopposed b3for3 the town of Vijaya which waa
surroumbd by a paliside. Tinra a Cham reported to Kham
Koano- that the town was deserted, that the king had taken
o
to flight, and that by a quick march he could yet overtake
the king. Heedless of the prudent couns 4s of his generals,
Kham Hoaug marched with his army which advanced pell
mell without any ord?r or organisation. When they had
proceeded some distance the Chams sudd 3nly fell upon them
and intercepted their passage. This produced such a panic
in the Annamite army that it was compbt^ly routed. The
Emperor with his two commanders-in-chief and several oth?r
nobles lay dead on the fhld.
Immediately after this great victory Che Bong Nga
sailed with a fleet towards the capital of Arumm, Giau
Hoang who was hastily proclaimed king made arrangements
for defending it, but Che Bong Nga entered into the town
and- pillaged it for a whole day. He returned with an im-
mense booty which was sent as tribute to the Chinesa
132 THE ANNAMITE CONQUEST OF CHAMPA
Emperor. Next year he again inarched towards Annam.
Having conquered Nghe-An, and appointed there his own
governor, he plundered the capital and returned with an
immens3 booty. A part of this was sent as tribute to the
Chinese Emperor.
Henceforth the people of Annam lived in constant
terror of the Chams. The Emperor Gian Hoang removed
his treasures to the mountains of Thien Kien and the caves
of Kha lang for saving them from the cupidity of the Chams
(1379). And it was well indeed that h3 had done so. For
inspite of tli3 injunctions of the Chiiiess Emperor to leave
tli3 Annamites in peaca Che Bong Nga lad a new expedition
against them in 1380. Th3 old king of Annam made pre-
parations for defending tli3 country both by land and s?a and
at last succeeded in inflicting a def eat upon Chs Bong Nga who
took to flight.
Inspite of this defeat Che Bong Nga remained master of
Thuan Hoa, Tan-Binh and Nghe-An, and his constant
incursions against Than Hoa reducsd the Annamite authority
over that province almost to a shadow. In 1382 he invaded
Than Hoa, but this time also ho met with disaster ; a part of
his navy was burnt and his army retreated with great loss
(1382).
Nothing undaunted, Che Bong Nga formed a daring plan.
As he was unsuccessful at sea, and the defiles between Than
Hoa and Ninh Binh wore well guarded by the Annamites, Ii3
marched with his coinmander-in-chief La-khai over the high
ranges, across mountains and forests, and descended at a point
north of the Annamite capital (1383). After inflicting a
heavy loss upon the enemy he returned to his kingdom
in 1384.
Five years later, Ch? Bong Nga led another victorious
expedition. By a ruse he completely defeat3d the Annamits
ANCIENT HISTORY OF CHAMPA 133
army and advanced towards the capital. He reached the river
Hai Trieu and there was nothing to prevent him from occupy-
ing the whole country. The situation appeared so desperate
that the younger brother of the Annamite Emperor passed over
to tho camp of Che Bong Nga, expecting no doubt to be
appoint3(l to the government of Annam after ifcs conquest.
But at this moment the treachery of a Cham military
officer changed the whole complexion of things. As Che Bong
Nga advanced with about 100 vessels to reconnoitre the forces
of the enemy, one of his officers, who was reprimanded and
afraid of his life, passed over to the enemy and told them that
the king's vessel was easily recognisable by its green colour.
On learning this the Annamite commander made for the Cham
navy and asked his m3n to concentrate the fury of their attack
on the royal vessel. Suddenly a volley of musketry was fired
at Che Bong Nga and he fell (bad. The Chams lost heart at
tti3 sudden death of their chief and beat a precipitate retreat
to rejoin the main army wh'.ch was stationed at the river
Hoang under the command of the general La Khai (February,
1390). La Khai immediately led back the army by forc3d
marches day and night. The enemy overtook him but was
easily defeated. As soon as h^ reached Champa he proclaimed
himself king of the country. The two sons of Che Bong Nga,
deprived of their legitimate rights, sought protection in the
Annamite court. But although received there with honours
and distinction they could not secure any support to regain
their throne.
La Khai, who thus established a new dyaasty, is almost
certainly to be identified with Sri Jaya Simhavarmadeva V
Sri Harijatti Vlras'uuha Champa-para, the founder of tha
Brsu family of kings.1
1. Binh Dinh Ins. (No. 117). The identity was first establi-
shed by Finot (B. E. F. vol. XV, No. 2, p. 14). Maspero
1*4 THE ANNAMITE CONQUEST OF CHAMPA
One of the first acts of Jaya Simhavarmadeva was to send
tributes to the Chinese Emperor Tiii Tsou. But the Emperor,
who had himself usurped the throne by driving away his
toaster, refused to accept the tribute from the usurper (1391).
Jaya Sioihavarman did not insist, but he again sent the
tribute in 1397, and it was accepted. The tribute was renewed
in 1399.
Immediately after the death of Che Bong Nga, the two
provinces Tan Binh and Thuan Hoa, which he had annexed,
made submission to Annam. It is probable that other parts of
Champft, too, did not acknowledge the authority of Jaya
Si^'havarmadeva. We hear indeed of a Cham general seeking
protection in Annam in 1397 with his family. Everything
indicates an unsettled time, but unfortunately we know very
little of the reign of Jaya Siuihavarmadeva. H3 ruled for
twelve years (1390-1401), and was succeeded by Sri Vrsu
Visnujatti Vira Bhadravarmadeva.1 Th3 king was form2rly
called prince Nauk Glaun Vijaya2 and aft^r a r3ign of 32
years he was cons3crated and took the naras Sri Brsu
Indravarman..3
Tli3 Annamit^s had never given up their intention of
conquering Champa and led an expedition against it in 1401.
Vira Bhadravarrnau, who had just asc3nd3d ths throno, opposed
tha enemy vigorously and forced th?m to rotraat. It was
with consdd3rabl3 difficulties that the Annamite forces could
regain their own territory.
In 1402, the Annamit3 army again invaded Champa.
Bhadravarman S3nt his g*n3ral to opposs them, but he was
identifies Jaya Siriihavarman with the successor of La khai
(T'onng Pao 1913. p. 150.)
1. Binh Dinh Ins. (No. 117).
2. BienHoahis [No. 121].
3. KHI Ben- Lang Ins. [No. 122].
ANCIENT HISTORY OF CHAMPA 135
killed in a fight with the vanguards of the enemy. The king
was now terribly afraid for his life and throne, and sent
his maternal uncle with rich presents to treat with the enemy.
He offered the rich province of Indrapura on condition of
cessation of hostilities and the retreat of the Annamite troops.
The Annamites demanded Quang Nghia in addition, and
thus the whole of Quang- Nam and Quang- Ngai, the ancient
Amaravati, was ceded to the enemy. It was a terrible blow
to tli3 power and prestige of Champa. The ancient capital of
Indrapura was full of accumulated riches and trophies and was
associated with tl\3 glorious days of the past. The provincs of
Amaravati was also one of th3 richest and the most fertile.
By this humiliating treaty tin kingdom of Champa was reduced
to half its siZ3 ; it lost its rich fertile regions in the northern
plain, arid was confined to poor mountainous regions in th3
south.
The Chams of the ceded provinces could ill brook ths
Annaniite domination. Although a son of Ch3 Bong Nga was
appointed as tli9ir governor, they emigrated in Iarg3 numbers.
King Bhadravarman also repented of his act. He sent a
pathetic appeal to the Chiness Emperor (1403), and the latter
sent two plenipotentiaries to the Annamite court, asking it to
leave its neighbour in peacx The Annamites replied by
sending a force, 200,000 strong, against Champa both by way
of land and sea.
Bhadravarman had been assured by the Chinese Emperor
that Annam would leave him in peace. He, therefore, hastened
to inform that Emperor of the new expedition. On the 5th
September, 1404, his ambassador arrived at the Imperial court
with a rich present consisting of a rhinoceros and other
indigenous products, and delivered his message to the emperor.
It ran as follows;
" Tn a i\3C?nt roport I havo informed your Majesty that
186 THE ANNAMITE CONQUEST OF CHAMPA
Annam iiad violated our territories and killed and carried away
men and Animals, and at my request your Majesty was pleas-
ed to, order the king of Annam to withdraw his army. But
the latter has not complied with the order of your Majesty
In the fourth month of the year (between 9th May and 8th
June 1404} he again ravaged the frontiers of my country and
caused sufferings to iny people. Recently, during the return
journey of my ambassador who had gone to pay the tribute
to the Imperial court, all the presents sent to me by your
Majesty were forcibly taken by the Annamites. Moreover,
in order to indicate my vassalage to him, the king of Annam
has forced me to use his crown, dress and seal. Bssides, he
has seized upon Cha-li-ya and other places in my kingdom.
Still, even now he does not caasa to attack and molest my
territories. I fear I have not the power to protect myself
and I therefore place rny kingdom at the feet of your Majesty
and request you to have it administered by your officials."1
The Chinese Emperor became furious and asked his mi-
nister to send an ambassador. He also sent battleships in aid
of Bhadravarman. These met the Annamite fleet which retrea-
ted bafore it without fighting. The Annarnite army which
besieged Vijaya also raised th3 siege and turned back, b?caus3
their provisions ran short and the town was well defended.
Tch'eng Tsou th3n S3nt presents to Bhadravarman and
wrote to Han Thu'o'ng, the Annamite emperor, condemning
his action (1404). The latter was unwilling to provoke the
wrath of his powerful neighbour. He, therefore, returned to
him the two elephants which the king of Champa had ssnt to
China, but which hs intercepted and kept with him, believing,
said ha "that they were presented to him by the Cham king
for delaying the despatch of troops."
1. The letter is quoted in the Chinese text *'Ngan-nan ki cheou
pen-mo", composed between 1404-14.^2 A. I). It is thus a
contemporary record, ef. B. E. P. vol. XIV, No. 9, p. 42.
or
figift
totfefct neighbour, and tke M&g of Champa e*ai4k** him
tfceiot*. Although Han TMo'ng tofoi to Avoid Wtf*, b$
Jwfeed to it, and it was fatal to hito&lf rind t6 httf dyn*B)y. ft*
July, 1407, he fell into thfc hands of the Chinese^ 4i«h Mi
father and son, and they alt died in exite.
Virft Bhadravarman, gratified beyond All n&aatrffe ti& ti$t
defeat of his implacable enemy, sent & mimpttibiwa? Mbtffe trf
the Emperor, and received in return a still mO*e stJKiii^o^?
present. He then sent an expedition to recover the ceded
provinces. The Annamite forces who defended it w£re easily
defeated, the son of Che Bong Nga who still governed the
provinces on behalf of the Annamites lay dead on the field,
and the two provinces, ceded in 1402, passed again into ttie
hands of Champa.
In the meantime, after a long struggle, th£ Chitaeflfe*
general Tchang Fou became the undisputed master of tW
whole of Annamite territory which was redta&d to fittf
position of a Chinese province. The Chinese genetfcl riovfr
coveted the two Cham provinces which were ceded to Annatir
in 1402, but were reconquered by Vira' Bhadravarmaw d3T
stated above. The Chinese general even solicited the p^nm&Sictti
of the Emperor to lefcd an expedition against Chathpl Hie
Emperor was not, however, willing to go so far, but he drifeif&d
the king of Champft to restore the two provinces. The W&er
offered excuses and sent regular tributes, but did n6tf
up. the "provinces.
Soon the whole situation was changad. In
Chinese were finally driven out of Annam by £3 Iio'i who
proclaimed himself emperor. Vlra Bhadravarman Hastened" ti>
make friends with him, and sent an ambassador wlio Came
back with rich presents. But six years l$*ar, wfcem I»
lift THE AHJWJTE CONQUEST OF CHAMPA
died and was succeeded by a boy of 11 years, Bhadravafman
regarded it as a suitable opportunity for renewing the attacks
against Annam. In 1434 he sent an expedition by both land
And sea. Two of his men were taken prisoners by the
Annamitei. They were made to review the Annamite army
And then sent back. Bhadravarman, having learnt from them
the military strength of the enemy, wished for peace. The
plenipotentiaries were exchanged and the pacific relations were
established between the two countries in 1434.
Free from troubles in the north by the Chinese victory
over the Annamites in 1407, Bhadravarman had invaded Cain-
bodge, and made himself master of it. The king of that
country Chau Pouha Yat complained to the Chinese Emperor
in 1408, and again in 1414, and asked for his assistance. The
Chinese Emperor addressed a letter to Vira Bhadravarman
asking him to withdraw his troops from Cambodge and leave
it in peace. What caine out of it we do not know, but in
an inscription dated 1421 A. D. ' the king is said to have vanqui-
shed the Annamites and taken possession of a kingdom called
Brah Kanda. He gained innumerable victories, erected an
image of Visnu called Tribhuvanakranta, and appropriated the
booty he had taken from the Khmers to the service of tta
god/1 The king, besides, made various rich gifts to 5rI3ana
(SriSanabhadreSvara ?)
It was during his reign that Nicolo de Conti visited Champa.
He went west from the island of Java " towards a maritime
city named Ciampa rich in Aloe wood, camphor and gold."
Vira Bhadravarman was the last king who has left inscriptions
in the Cham language. After him Champa knew peace no
longer. It remained a scene of civil war and foreign invasion
till its downfall at no distant date.
1* Si«n Hoa Ins. ( NO. 121)
ANCIENT HISTORY OF CHAMPA 199
Vira Bhadravarman died in 1441 A. D. and was suooeedad
by his nephew Maha Vijaya. la a letter to the Ming Emperor
he declared himself to have been nominated to the succession
by his uncle himself ; but his nephew and successor Maha Qui
Lai later on advanced a similar claim, and announced that as
he was too young, he had abdicated the throne in favour of
his uncle. The probability seems to b3 that the death of
Bhadravarman was followed by a civil war for succession
and his nephew Maha Vijaya came out successful at
first.
Immediately after his accession Maha Vijaya sent an
ambassador to the Chinese Emperor and asked for investiture,
representing that his uncle had left the throne to him by a
f< rmal testament. The Emperor nominated him king of
Champft and sent presents for the king and the queen.
Having thus been assured of friendship or at least the
neutrality of China, Maha Vijaya commenced the old tactics
of harassing the Annamite frontier. He sent expedition
against the border province of Hoa Chau in 1444, and
again in 1445. The second one was disastrous, for the army
was suddenly caught during an inundation at the citadel of An
Dung, and suffered severe losses.
The Annamite court, tired of these border campaigns,
resolved to carry the fight into the heart of Champa. They
tried to secure the neutrality of China, and represented, that
taking advantage of the young age of their Emperor, Maha
Vijaya made plundering raids into the province of Hoa Chaii
and inflicted considerable damages upon the country. The
Chinese Emperor rebuked the king of Champa and asked him
to fix the limits of the two countries and forswear all war in
future. " You must " concluded he " issue strict commands to
the officers of your frontier posts not to had any incurskm
140 THE ANNAMITE CONQUEST OF CHAMPA
against the Annamites." At the same time he asked the
Annamites to refrain from commencing a war of vengeance
against their neighbour. But the Annamites had already
assembled their troops and collected the munitions of war.
Their army entered into Champa, defeated the enemy troops
and besieged the capital city Vijaya"(1446 A. D.). Maha Vijaya
shut himself up into the city with all his troops, and hoped
to be able to defy the enemy. But he was betrayed by his
nephew Maha Qui-Lai. On condition of being recognised as
king of Champa he delivered up the city to the Annamites.
Maha Vijaya was made prisoner with his wives and concu-
bines and the enemy returned to their country with an immense
booty. Amid pompous ceremonies, the captive king ' was pre-
sented to the ancestors' of the Annamite Emperor. Most of
the Cham prisoners were then released but the king was
not allowed to return, although the Chinese Euiperor sent an
order to that effect. N^verth^hss he was well treated. He
was allowed to put on his royal costume and invited to the
feast offered to the ambassadors of his country (1447).
Maha Qui-Lai asked for formal investiture from both the
Annamite and Chinese courts, and his request was granted by
both. The Chinese Emperor repeated to him his advice to ba
on friendly terms with the Annamite Court. He listened to
this counsel and sent tributes to Annam (1447). But he could
not long enjoy the sovereignty which he had purchased by
betraying his king and his country. He was dethroned by his
younger brother Qui-Do who threw him into prison and
declared himself king (1449).
The Annamite Emperor Nho'n Ton was very angry and
refused the homage of the new king. " A subject" said he
" wlKfassassinates his king, and a younger brother who kills
his elder, merits an exemplary punishment according to all
ANCIENT HISTORY OF CHAMPA 141
laws, both ancient and modern. I categorically refuse all your
presents and return them." He further sent an officer to
Champa to obtain first-hand information about the recent
happenings in that country. Apprehensive of the results of
this inquiry Qui-Do sent another ambassador to the Annamite
court. But he did not fare better than his predecessor. When
questioned about the crime of his royal mastar he could not
give any reply but simply made the most humble obeisance.
Nho'n Ton not only dismissad him but recalled all the Anna-
mites ssttled in Champa, and wrote a strong letter to Qui-Do.
" In a kingdom " said he " thsra must b3 a king and his
subjects ; this is an eternal principle. You Chains, you dare
transgress this eternal law. Wh^n the old king had died, you
ebcted Bi-Cai (Maha Vijaya) to the throne, instead of the son
of the late king. He refus3d to respect our authority and
created troubles for us. He was punished for his crime and
fell in our hands. You then demanded investiture for Qui-Lai
and again abandoned him for placing Qui-Do on the throne
Are you then devoid of all principles and fidelity ? Do you
regard the king as merely a piece on a chess-board ? "
The Cham king could very well retort by pointing out
the support which the Annamite court had extended to the
traitor and regicide whom he had displacad, But it was the
logic of the strong towards the weak. Qui-Do sent back
about 70 Annamitss (1449) and did not make any further
attempt to establish friendly ralations with the Annamite
court.
Some time elapsed b3fore Qui-Do asked for investiture
from China. In 1449 the Chinese Emperor Ying Tsong was
made prisoner by the Mongols and his brother King had
asc3nded th? throne. Th3 dslay of Qui-Do in asking for in-
vestiture was probably due to thss3 events. But in 1453 h3 sent
142 THE ANNAiirTE CONQUEST OP CHAMPA
ambassadors to the Emp^tfor King. They reported the death
of Mahft Qtii-Lsi and requested that his brother Maha Qtri-Do
snight be t-eoognised as king. Their prayer was granted. When
the Emperor Ying Tsong recovered the throne, Qui-Do took
oath of allegiance again in 1457.
Towards the close of 1457 or the beginning of the next
year Qui-Do was assassinated by the son of a nurse at the
instance of Maha Ban-La Tra-Nguyet. The latter then
ascended the throne. He was a nobleman and had married a
daughter as well as a niece of Maha Vijaya. The new king
was recognised by China but he did not pay any homage to
the Annamite Emperor. The result was the renewal of hosti-
lity between the two countries, and ones the Cham king lodg-
ed a formal Complaint to the Chinese Emperor against the
incursions of the Annamites. The king did not raign long,
having abdicated the throne in 1460 in favour of his younger
brother, Bin-La Tra-Toan.
The new king inherited the enmity of Annam which his
predecessor's action had provoked. The Annamite Emperor
Thanh Ton pretended that Champa was a feudatory state of
his and demanded some white elephants of the king. Tra
Toan who had already been recognised by China, now requested
the Chinese Emperor to send an official to fix a definite frontier
between the two countries. The new Emperor Hian Tsong
was dissuaded by his advisers from trying to establish peaca
between two countries which had been enemies for such a
long time, and he simply asked the king of Champa to main-
tain peace.
Tra-Toan, unable to defy Annam without the help of
China, sent tributes to Thanh Ton in 1467. But the latter
persisted in his contention of being treated by Champa exact-
ly on the same footing as the Chinese Emperor, and demanded
AH01BNT H16TQBY OP CHAMPA 148
a supplementary tribute consisting of rhinoceros, elephants
and many precious objects. The Cham ambassador represent-
ed that he was unable to concede the additional demand with-
out a reference to his master, and asked Thdnh Ton to send
an envoy to Champa to settle this question. Trk-Toiua, how-
ever, refused this new demand and informed Hien Tsong of
it ( 1469 ). He resolved to maintain the independence of his
country at any cost and decided to risk a war.
He first sent a naval expedition against Hoa Chau ( 1469 )
and next year invaded the province at the head of an army
100,000 strong. He had a strong cavalry and a number of
war elephants with him. The Annamite general, unable to
oppose this vast army, shut himself up in his stronghold, and
informed Th&nh Ton of his precarious situation.
The Empsror was waiting for this very opportunity,
He at once made extensive preparations for the compaign.
Then, with a view to avoid hostility with China, he sent an
ambassador to Hien Tsong informing him of the war in which
he suddenly found himself involved. He also explained the
cause of the war, and particularly emphasised the repeated
Cham incursions against the frontier of Hoa Chau. Lastly,
he issued a long proclamation addressed to the Chams. "In a
month", said he, "peace will reign again your last
hour is near at hand". He reproached them for the accusa-
tions they made to the Chinese Emperor against himsalf , for
the way in which they treated his ambassadors, for the assa-
ssination of their king, and for raising Tr&-To&n to the throne.
He exposed the tyranny of the usurper in the following
words: "Boys and girls are forced to the corvee, and widows
are ill-treated. You have to pay most excessive taxes and it
must be a great trial for you to see the people of {§ri Vina*
raised to high offices and honours." The proclamation conti-
L This was the birth-place of the king.
THE lK»AMtTB COTQOT3T OF CHAMPA
iwve imprisoned men and Wooaea of »y
**i frrtm shelter to the fugitives whom We want. . . ...... Wfcetr
I*** at peace, you assemble a band of men and attack my
*t)imir/ But ad soon as I take the field you wag your tail
Jifce a dog, and ask for pardon. I hare now, by the order of
Ood, brought a magnificent army and brave soldiers for chastising
y&& mid showing you my majesty. I have resolverd to aoaqftte*
your kingdom and thus to wipe away the disgrace inflicted
upon the preceding emperors."
After issuing this proclamation the Emperor offered solemn
prayers for victory before the altar of his ancestors. He had
already despatched a magnificent fleet containing 100,000 men,
and IK>W started in person with 150, 000 soldiers. The huge
army reached the soil of Champa in safety ( 1471 ). Trit-Toan
ami' his younger brother with 5,000 men on elephants to sur-
prise the enemy camp. But the small force was hemmed
maud in all sides and practically cut off by the enemy.
/ Trk-Toaa was very much alarmed at the news of this
disaster and sent a member of his family to bhe emperor to
(iflfer submission. But the latter continued to advance, seized
l$»f Yiai,and at last invested the capital city Vijaya. The city
TjFa*} taken by assault without much difficulty. 60,000 Chams
•tfteKfe put to the sword, and 30,000 made prisoners. Fifty
members of the royal family fell into the hands of the conque-
ror. Tj&~Toa4i was led bafore the Emperor. "Art thou the
lord of Ch»mp&?" asked he; "Yes my Lord" was the reply.
"Who do you think am I?" "One glance at your face is enough
to tell me that you are the Emperor." "How many children
Bfcve you ?" "More than ten."
Thanh Ton constructed a shed outside the palace to guard
ifce pttstraers. As his officers werra jostling against
ll^aflkBd them to treat that king with more respect.
^SB the lord of this country", said he, "it is not right to treat'
Mm thus," But Trk-To&n did not long survive the disgrace,
ANCIENT HISTORY OF CHAMPA 145
Abandoned by all, even by the Chinese emperor, who for fear
of provoking the hostility of Annam did not even dare to ask
for his release, deprived of his wives1 and attendants, he fell ill
and died in a ship on his way to Annam. His body was burnt
and the ashes cast into the winds, but the head was fastened
to the forepart of the imperial vessel with a whits flag on
which the following words were inscrib3d; "This is the head of
the very wicked Trd-To&n of the kingdom of Champa."
Meanwhile a Cham general Bo Tri Trl collected the re-
mnants of the army and took refuge in Paiidurariga. There ha
proclaini3d himself kin^ and sont an ambassador to offer th3
oath of allegiance and tribute to Thanh Ton who accspted
them. The mountains which 83parat3 tli3 pi\3S3nt provinc3S of
Phu Yen and Khan Hoa and terminata in cape Varella hencs-
forth formed th3 boundary b?tween Annam and Champa. A
boundary stono marked the limit.
Thus not only the whole of AmaravatI wh'ch was onca
C3ded in 1402, but retaken by tha Chams again in 1407, but
also the whole of th^ provincs of Vijaya passed into th3 hands
of the Annamitos. The kingdom of Champa, which now con-
sisted only of Kauthara and Paaduranga, was thus reducad
to nearly one-fifth of what it was even in the days of Chs
Bong Nga. Even th-3 small territory that remained (viz; tha
modern districts of Khan Hoa and Binh Thuan) was absolu-
tely at th3 msrcy of th3 powerful Annam itoa,
But old prestige dies hard. Ths petty Cham chiefs of the
south still bore the proud name of the king of Champa, and
the Chineso empsror not only invested them as such, but even
called upon the Annamit3S to restore the provinc3S of Vijaya
and AmaravatI to th3m. Three kings received formal investU
1, Only two were allowed to accompany him.
146 THE ANNAMITE CONQUEST OF CHAMPA
ture in this way from the Chinese court. The first, Tchai-Ya-
Ma-Pou-Ngan, said to bs the nephew of a former king, died
In 1478. He was probably killed by his brother Kou Lai
who succeeded him and ruled from 1478 to 1505 A. D. His
son and successor Cha-Kou-Pou-Lo received formal investiture
from the Chinese court in 1509 A. D. and sent an ambassador
to China in 1543 A. D. This was the last embassy from the
king of Champa to the Chinese court.
The king had a tragic end. Taking advantage of some
troubles among the Annamites he mado a last dosperate effort
to free himself from the Annamite yoke. But he was defeat-
ed and confined in an iron cage where he died. The Annamites
on this occasion annexed the Cham territory up to the river of
Phanrang. The seat of the kingdom of Champa was then re-
moved to Bal Chanar at Phanri. There in 1720 the officers of
the SS. Galath?e saw the king of Champa seated on a throne
and have left us an int3rasting account of the palac3.1 In cour-
se of the seventeenth and eighteenth C3nturies the Chams were
dispossessed of Khan Hoa and Phan Rang. In 1822, Po Chong,
the last king, unable to bear the oppressions of the Annamites,
passed over to Cambodge with a colony of exiles, leaving prin-
cess Po Bia to guard over the so-called "Royal treasur3S of
Cham" at Bal Chanar. She died a few years ago, mourned by
her faithful subjects who looked upon her as the last emblem
of their independence.
Thus closes a brilliant chapter in the history of Indian
colonisation. Brave sons of India, who planted her banner in
far off lands and maintained its honour and dignity for more
than 1500 years, at last vanished into the limbo of oblivion.
But'the torclf of civilisation which they carried dispelled the
darkness of ages and still throws its lurid light over the pages
of -history.
1. B E. F , vol V, pp. C85— C.
ANCIENT HISTORY OF CHAMPA
KINGS REFERRED TO IN CHAPTER XII.
147
1. A-Nan
2. Bo De
( Son-m-fow &i No, 1 )
3. Che Bong Nga
4. La Khai or
Jaya Si mharVfcrmiti* V
5. Bhadravarman V
or Incbavarmati XII
(Son of No. 4)
6. Maha Vijaya
( Nephew of No. 5 )
7. Maha Qui Lai
( Nephew of No. 6 )
8. Maha Qui-Do
( Younger brother of No. 7 )
9. Maha Ban-La-Tra-Nguyet
( Son-in-law of No. 6 )
10. Bin-La Tri-To&n
( Youngsr brother of No. 9 )
11. BoTriTri
1 2. Tchai- Ya-Ma-Fou-Ngan
13. Kod-Lai
( Brother of No. 12;
14. Cha-Kou-Pou-Lo
(1318— 1342 A. D.)
( 1342— e. 1360 A. D. )
(a 1860-4*80 Ju
(1390— 1401 A» D.)
(1401—1441 A,D.)
( 1441—1446 A, D. )
(1446—1449 A.D.)
( 1449-0. 145T A. D. )
(1457— 1460 A. D.)
( I4b0— 1471 A. D. )
(ace. 1471 A. C. ?)
( died in 1478 A. D. )
(1478—1505 A. D.)
(1505— c. 1543 A. D.)
Chapter XIII.
Administrative System.
Having concluded the politic*! history of Champa we may
now proceed to give a short sketch of the system of adminis-
tration prevailing in the kingdom. The mat rials for this stu-
dy are very scanty as we have to d3pmd mainly upon th>
indirect allusions and references contained in the inscriptions.
It is not possible to trace the gradual evolution of the political
system and we must remain content, for th^ nrQs^nt at 1 ^ast.
with only a general outline of the essential feature of adiiKU.a-
trative system.
Monarchy was the form of government in Champa from
beginning to end. The king adminisber3d th • whoh stat?
with almost absolute authority. The C3ntral a 1 ministration
might be broadly divided into three c1ass?s, civil, military and
religious. At the head of the civil administration were two
chief ministers with three grades of officials under them.1
The Captain of Guards and Sjnapati2 were th^ chi-^f m l.tary
officers, while the religious establishment consiste.l of a ELgh
Priest the Brahmauas, Astrologers, Pandits and Masters of
ceremonies.8
The ministers naturally occupied a very high position
and some inscriptions throw interesting light on their status. *
Sometimes the ministers seem to have been chosjn from the
same family and the post acquired almost a hereditary charac-
ter.5
The kingdom was divided into three provinces.
(1) Amaravati, the northern part, corresponded to Quang
Nam. Here were the two famous capital citips Champapura
1. T'oung Pao 1910, p. 394, fn 6. 2. of. Ins. Nos 26, 35. 3. cf.
Ins. No. 65. 4 cf. Nos. 32, 39. 5. cf. No. 39.
ANCIENT HISTORY OF CHAMPA 149
and Indrapura. The latter occupied the site of Dong Duong.
(2) Vijaya, the C3ntra1 portion of the kingdom, correspon-
ded to Binh Dinh. Its chief city, Vijaya, served for some-
time as the capital of the whole kingdom. It contained the
famous port ^rl Vinaya.
(3^ Paudurafiga, the southern part corresponded to the
vail >ys of Phan-ranh and Binh Thuan. Its chief town Vira-
pura, also called Rajapura, once served as the capital of the
whole kingdom.
The region called Kauthftra, corresponding to Khan Hoa,
was usually included in this division, but sometimes formed
an independent provinc?.
These provinces were divided into districts, the total num-
ber of which, according to a Chinese authority, was thirty-
eight in th3 reign of Harivarman III ( 1080 A. D.). Each
district contain3d a number of towns and villag3S which were
th3 lowest territorial units. The population of any of thesa
hardly ever exceeded 700 families, and there were more than
hundred which contained three to five hundred families each.
The population of the provincial capitals was of cours3 consi-
derably larger. According to the C3nsus taken by Li Than
Tonh in 1069 there were 2,560 families in Vijaya.
It would appear that two high functionaries, a "governor"
and a "senapati", were placed at the head of each provincial ad-
ministration. Thus king Harivarmadsva appointed his own son
Vikrantavarmft as the governor of Paiiduranga, and at the
same time deputed Senapati Pamr to guard the prince (No. 26).
The selection of tho heir-apparent as the governor was pro-
bably due to the importanc3 of the province. We have already
seen how the province frequently rebelled against the C3ntral
authority and sometimes maintained its iiKbpend?nc3 for a
fairly lopg period (pp, 78 89).
SYSTEM
e prd^iftdal gtfvefftdrs had1 under tteto nearly fifty offi-
cials of different g?&d"S for general adftrinistr&tion afcd collec-
tion of revenue. Notie of these officials watf paid iti c&sh, birt
g6f sStftetlitog; like & jayvf ctr maintained themselves at the cewt
of the peoplo und^r th?m. Th^ people were bound to prwidd
fcf thea6 officials, and the system erf COTV&* or forced labour
Ttftttf in vogtie.
Th« piincipal sourcB of revenue seems to be the land-tax
which consisted usually of one-sixth the produce, though some
times reduced to one- tenth.1 The kings sometimes made a
gift of this royal share to a temple for its maintenance. In
addition, the king often exempted the lands belonging to a
temple from taxes.8
Taxes were also imposed on all industrial products and
articles of merchandise. The royal officers boarded the fore-
ign merchant vessel after its arrival at the port and took a
fifth of the goods as royal revenue. The kin^ even took a
ehare of the products of the forest, ^ucli as timber and animals
collected by the toils of the people.
Justice was administered apparently in accordance with
the Hindu principles, for we are told that Jaya Indravarma-
deva V "followed the eighteen titles of law prescribed by Ma-
nV(In*. No. 65). Harivarmadava IV also did the same ( No.
62 )> King Jaya ludravarinadeva VTII is said to have been
versed in the Dhsrma^Sstra* notably the Naradiya and Bh&r-
ggftvlya (No. 81).
We gather a few details from epigraphic records «nd
Chinese texts. Certain crimed were punished by confiscation
of goods and loss of personal freedom. Slavery was also m
punishment for debts. Crimes Were ordinarily pdfciahed by
The criminal was stretched an the round
1. cf. Ins. No. 4. 2. cf. Ins. Nos. 33, 36. 37.
ANCIENT HISTORY OF CHAMPA 151
two men on the right and two on the left alternately struck
him as many as 50, 60 or even 100 times according to the
gravity of the offence. Theft and robbery were punished
by the mutilation of finger*, while adultery involved capital
punishment for both the accomplices.1
The capital sentence was inflhted in many ways. Ordi-
narily the condemned person was fastened to a tree; then his
neck was pierced through by means of a sharp spear and after-
wards his head was cut off. For cold-blooded murder, or mur-
der accompanied by robbery, the criminal was either delivered
up to the people who throttled him to death, or trampled
under the feet of an elephant. The rebel was tied to a post
io a lonely place and was not released till he submitted.
Lastly certain crimes were punished by deportation.
It appears that "the Divine Judgment/' was resorted to
in certain extraordinary cases. If a man were devoured by
a tiger or ti crocodile his family complained about it to the
king. The king ordered the High Priest to invoke the divine
judgment. The latter offered prayers and conjurations at
the very place where the man met his death, and it was be-
lieved that the tiger and crocodile would be obliged thereby
to return to the fame place to take punishments. If the
complaint appeared to be false, the priest, in order to ascertain
the truth, asked the man to go to the riverside. If he were
guilty of telling lies he would be devoured by a crocodile. If
he were innocent the crocodile would take to flight.*
In view of the constant wars in which the kingdom was
involved the militar}' organisation WAS a thing of the highest
1. It appears that sometimes the adulterers escaped by paying
the price of a bull.
2. This account of administration of justice is based upon
T'oung Pao 1910 pp 202 203 Maspero laments the absence of any
legal code of ancient Champa, but fails to note the reference to
Mann Saaihita and its adoption by tbe kings as legal eocU.
152 ADMINISTRATIVE SYSTEM
importance. A large regular army was maintained by the
state. At the time of Fan Wen the army was nearly forty
to fifty thousand strong. It must have been considerably
increased in later times. At the time of Che Bong Nga, the
royal guard alone numbered 5000. The armament of the
soldiers consisted of a shield, javelin, halbard, bow and cross-
bow The arrows were not feathered but their tips were poi-
soned. The soldiers marched with their standards at the
sound of drums and conchshells. They were arranged into
groups of five who were responsible for one another. If any
one of them fled, the other four were liable to death.
According to Maspero the Charn army consisted merely
of infantry and elephants till 1171 A D. when they learnt
the use of cavalry from the Chinese. This is not, however,
quite correct. What the Chams learnt from the Chinese in
1171 was the art of throwing arrows from the back of horses,
a somewhat difficult operation inasmuch as both hands of the
rider had to be kept free. Bat cavalry was a part of their army
long before that. This is proved by the following vivid des-
cription of a battle-field contained in an inscription dated
909 A. D. "Which (the battle-field) is grey with the dust raised
by the swift-moving sharp hoofs of horses galloping high;
whose surface has been dyed red with drops of blood, like
A£oka flowers, shed by means of various weapons; and in the
four regions of which the sounds of war-drums were drowned
by the roarr of gigantic beautiful elephants" ( IQS. No. 39,
v. 17).
The elephants formed an important part of the army and
we have already seen how the Chinese army was perplexed
by this new element in warfare which was no doubt intro-
duced by the Indian colonistfl. The number of war elephants
maintained in Champ* was nearly one thousand. OJoric de
ANCIENT HISTORY OF CHAMPA 153
Pordenone says that at the time of his visit to Champa (c.
1323 A D. ) the king had 14,000 tame elephants.1
The navy consisted of large turret -ships as well as light
junka The total number of vessels was fairly large and we
have several referencas to squadrons of more than 100 ves-
sels supporting the movement of an army on land.
The king often entrusted his brothers or other members
of the royal family with the chief command of the army.
The generals had the title of Mahasenapati and S?napati, and
there were several grades of officers under them. They all
took an oath to the king to fight for him till their death.
Their pay consisted of subsidies in kind, and th^y W3re exempt
from taxation. The ordinary soldiers received two bushels
of rlci per month and three to five dresses for winter and
BU miner.
The Ch-iins had a fair knowledge o! the art of fortifica-
tion. They protected their towns by brick walls flanked by
watchtowers made of stone. These citadels and a stronghold
ra
named Kiu-sou specially fortified for the purpose served aa
the depot for their war materials. A detailed account of the
fortification of Kiu-sou has been given above (p-26). Lastly
the Chams constructed entrenched camps by means of
palisades and turrets. They painted the outer gates of their
citadels with the ashes of an animal. They believed that these
were thereby made impregnable.
While the Chams assiduously cultivated the arts of war,
they did not neglect the arts of peace. The kings maintained
diplomatic relations with neighbouring countries. Constant
embassies to the courts of China and Annam have already
been referred to in the preceding pages. The Nhan-Bieu
Inscription (No.43) records the career of a nobleman named
Rajadvarah who was twice despatched by the king to
Yavadvipa on a diplomatic mission. The Baug-An Ins.
(No 42) refers to a multitude of royal ambassadors coining to
1. Marco Polo. Edited by Ynle-— Vol. 1L p. 352~
354 ADMINISTRATIVE SYSTEM
Champa from different countries The Hoa Que Ins. (No 39)
relates, among oth?r qualifications of th3 minister 5jna
Jayendrapati, that " by hard exertion Ii3 was able to under-
stand thoroughly th? meaning of m9ssag3s 83nt by kings from
different countries." All th3S3 references, taken togsth^r,
leave no doubt that th3 king lorn of Champa maintain3d
extensive diplomatic relations with Ii3r n3ighbouringcou:itri?s.
The art of diplomacy, as practis3d in India, was fairly
understood. TJi3 neighbouring states wterj classified as
fz'iends, enemies or neutrals, and tho relation with th'S?
powers was guided by the four expedients of adma (concilia-
tion), ddna (gifts), bheda (discord) and d<w?.<i (chastis3m?nt)
(Nos. 9 and 62). Sometimes danda is replaced by upaprudtna
(brib?ry) (No. 65). What is more important still is the
refereiiC3 to t: sldgunya "' which is undoubtedly identical
with tho " sadyiitiya" of Kautilya, meaning th3 sixfolJ
measures of royal policy.1 Karnandakiya Nltisara, a tr3atis>
on politics bas?d upon Kautiliya Artha astra, d3als extensively
with th3 four exp3dients and th? sixfold in^asur^s of royal
policy. It is possible that political science was studied in
Champa from books of this kin I.2 It is to bj rem iinb.'ivd,
how3ver, that Manusi Iihita, which ws know from otlnr
sources to havj b^an usjd in Champa, also d^als With both
th^83 topics, viz. tho four exp.dionts and th? s:xfold measures
of roj'-al policy, but its discussion on these subj -cts is, n »ithor
full nor accurate, th3 author having evidently borrowed his
materials from books on political scianc.e which he did not
charly understand. But howsoiver that may bfl, there is no
doubt that th3 statesm3n in Champa wjra thoroughly imbu?d
with th3 idms of Indian Political Sciencj and it formed the
basis of polity in that kingdom.
1. Kamiliya-Arthasaetra Bk. VII ch I
2. Dr. E. Mitra pointed out in the Introduction to 1m edition
of Kamnndakiya Nitisara that the hook was imported into
Hali island by Hs Ilindn inhabitants as eaily us the
fourth century A.D.
Chapter XIV.
The King.
The king of Champa was not only the head but also the
centre of administration, and it is therefore necessary to
discuss his position and status at some length. Fortunately,
our materials for the study of this subject are fuller and more
reliable than those for the administrative system.
In theory the king was regarded as of divine origin, the
colonists following in this respect the view of the orthodox
Brahmanical schools of India. Indeed the whola conception
of the status and position of the king seems to 1*3 dominated
by the Brahmanical views such as those propounded in Mauu-
sanihita.
Reference to the divine nature of kings is found in Po
Nagar Tns. (No.29A., v.2). In Dong Duong Ins. (No.31A,
v.8) kings are referred to as " the gods dwelling upon earth ".
Lastly ha is said to have the vigraha or body of Chandra,
Iridra, Agni, Yama and Kuvera (No.23, v.3). Now no body
cau possibly ignore the striking res3mblanc3 between these
views and thos3 propounded at the beginning of Chapter VII
In Manusamhita. Ws road thsi'3 that the king "is a great
deity in human form " (v.8) and that the Lord created him
11 taking for that purpose eternal particles of Indra, of the
Wind, of Yama, of the Sun, of Fir?, of Varuua, of th3 Moon,
and of the Lord of Wealth (Kubera) ".l
To what extent this thoory of divine origin modified
th3 status of king m practic3 it is not possible to say. In
on3 respect, however, it was carried to its logical conclusion,
in a manner which would have been regarded as horribly
Rcandalous in India. In Po Nagar Ins. (No.30) we read that
king's feet were worshipped, even by Brahrnauas and
1* Laws of Mann' Transl. by Buhler, pp 216-217.
156 THE KING
priests. This would ba quite in keeping with ths divine
origin of kings, but in India the Brahmanas were careful
enough to safeguard their own position, and thus the first and
foremost duty of the "divine kings" was to worship the
Brahmanas.1 The kings in Champa were not apparently
dominated by the influanca of the .Brahmanas, at least to the
same extent as in India.
But although thooretically tha king appears to ba vested
with absolute authority, there might have baen limitations
to his power in actual practice. Unfortunately our knowledge
in this matter is very vague. The Vo-Chanh inscription
(No. 1) refers to an "assambly", bat we do not know any
thing about its power and functions.
Maspero supposes that the crown-prince could not ascend
the throne without tha approval of tin nobility. Ha admits
that this rule was violat3d wh3n th3 king was powerful
enough, but holds that it was the normal rule. Unfortunat3ly
the evidence in support of his view is slender in tha extreme.
The modern practice of Cambodge to which ha refers can
hardly ba taken as a sura guide for practic3 in ancient
Champa. The passages of Dong Duong Ins.2 on which he
relies, as translatad by ma, do not support tli3 contention in
any way. On tha oth3r hand such boasting expression as is
used by Indravarman viz. that ha "gained th3 king. loin by
tha special merit of his austerities, and by virtua of his pure
intelligenca, and not from his grand- father or father" saems
to indicate that hereditary succession was tha normal rule. It
is quite true that in troublasoine times, or probably for
some special reasons such as tha abs^nca of a la^al or suitable
heir, the king was sometimes electad by the people Thus
when Jaya Rudravarrnan died at Panduranga in 1147 A. D.
1. cf. Muimsamhita, Ch. VII, vv, 37 if
2. No. 31 B vv. VI, !X aud XI
ANCIENT HISTORY OF CHAMPA 157
the peoph of that town invited his son Harivarma to
be th-3 king of Champa (Ins. No. 75). According to Myson
Ins. =(No. 12) the kingdom was bestowed on Prakasadharma
by holy men. When Harivarman abdicated, the people offered
th? authority to his son (No. 62).
In connection with tha hereditary succession it is
n3C3ssary to note the importance of the femalea Kings are
succeeded not only by their sister's son, but also by their
sister's husband and even wify's sister's son.1 This has been
attributed to the syst?m of matriarchy supposed to ba prevalent
in>thos3 parts of the country.
After his acc?ssion bo ths throne th3 new king performed
his coronation C3remony with groat pomp and splendour.
Sometimes a long interval elapsod between the accession of
a king and his coronation. Thus Harivarman ascended the
throne in 1147 A. D., but was " consecrated to the throne
with due C3remonials " only in 1149 A. D. King Vira
Bhadravarmadeva was eons3crat3d 32 years aft3r his acces-
sion.
There seems also to have been a fairly general practice
among kings of Champa to take a new name called
Abhisvkanama (No. 7) at the time of the coronation. Thus
Pra astadharma, son of Rudravarraan, took the name Sri
Sambhuvartnan at the time of his coronation (No. 7). Several
other instances of this kind are shown in a tabular form
bulow.
Ordinary Name. Coronation Name.
1. Prakagadharma. £rl Vikrantavarman (No. 12)
2. Pu lyau Sri Rajadvara. £ri Jay a Indravarmadeva (No. 62)
3. Prince Nauk Glaun
1. Of. the genealogy of kings referred to in Cb. V and also
tho case of Jaya Bimhavarmadtrva (Nc. 36).
158 THE KING
Vijaya or Vira Bhadra — £rl Brsu Indravartaan.
varma-deva
Whether the assumption of new names at the time of
coronation was a universal practica we cannot say, but there is
no doubt that it was a fairly common practice.
After hie accession to the throne the new king was
confronted with a heavy list of duties. Numerous referencas
to personal qualities of the king enable us to form a general
idea of what the kings were expected to be, if not what they
actually were. A general picture of these ideal qualities of a
king would throw light not only on the ideal of kingship in
those days, but also, to a c?rtain extent, on the ideals of human
life at Champa. An analysis of thasa ideal qualities as cullod
from different inscriptions1 is given below.
I. Physical charm.
The king " had all the marks of a Maharaja, according to
the canon of Rajacakravartin " (No. 65). He had the 32 signs
(33 according to No 94) as well as grace and beauty, youth
and ability (Nos. 62, 65.). His baauty was like that of Cupid
and yet his appearanca was terrible like that of Garuda
(No. 24).
II. Strength and Valour.
The king was skill 3d in all the weapons and was heroic
and energetic (62, 65.). He was possessed of innata couraga
and of great strength. Ha took part in numerous battbs and
cut off the heads of kings, generals and other men of the
hostile party (62,65,72,81).
III. Administrative capacity.
The king kriew and practised the four expedieats viz.
*dma, dana, bheda and danda (or upapradana) V62,65.X He
i. ^Oife figures within brackets in tbe succeeding paragraphs
refer to the number of inscriptions.
ANCIENT HISTORY OF CHAMPA 159
maintained the eighteen titles of law laid down by Manu, and
the uniformity of procsdura (Nos. 62,65). H3 knew th3 trua
import of th3 sixfold measures of royal policy. H3 was strictly
impartial in discharging his duties (65), and U3ver transgres-
sed th3 et3rnal rubs of conduct (12). H^ dutifully prot^ct3d his
subjects (No. 12) and cbstroy-jd all tli3 thieves (24). H3 was
constantly davot3d to his duty and faithful to law Iik3
Dharmaraja (24). Ernbrac3d by th3 goddess of soveraignty Ii3
was " without equal in r>sp3ct of royal glory, knowledge,
wisdom, spbndour, fani3, sacrod learning, polity, renown and
conduct" (31).
IV. Learning and c\iltui"\
Th3 king had tin knowbdgi of 64 Kuls* (arts) (02,72). H3
was wis3, eloquent, and profoundly intelligent. (65,74). Ha
was V3rs3d in all t,li3 diff'rant branches of knowbdg3l (32,94).
V. Moral qualities.
The king had tin knowbdg3 of th'3 goovl and the bad
(62 65) and poss3ssed a S3ns3 of duty, patieno, forb3aranc3,
calm of h3arfc, Morality, truthfuln3ss and compassion towards
all brings (65,41). H3 impartially pursued the thr3e objects —
w?alth, virtu3 and pbasura — without showing pr?f^r3nc3 to any
(65). H3 controlled th3 six passions viz. fcjma (sensual
passion), krodha (ang3r), lo^ha (covetousa?ss), moha (infatua-
tion), mada (pridt*) and mdtsarya (malice) (65).
1. King Bhidravarrnan was versed in the four Vedas (No. 4).
King Indravarm-m knew the six systems of Philosophy,
including Mimamsa ani Buddhist PhilosDphy, the gram-
mar of Panini with Kasika ootntnentarv, and the Akhyana
and the Uttarakalpa of the Saivas (Ho. 45). King Sri
Jaya Indravarmadeva was versed in Grammar, Astrology,
Philosophical doctrines like Mahayana and Dharxnasutras,
notably the Naradiya ani the Bhargg.tviya (No. 81).
160 THE KING
VL Beligions qualities.
The king knew the supreme truth and the absolute
reality without egotism (65). He installed gods and
temples and endowed them liberally1 (94,110). Realising that
the body and its pleasures are ephemeral, he perform ad t/<#a,
dhyana and samadhi and practised virtue constantly and
thoroughly (65). Ha was the foremost among thos^ who
regarded sacrifices as their principal treasures (23). He made
pious works such as digging tanks, building roads, making
religious endowments (110) and gave gifts day and night (62),
particularly to munis, asC3tics and learned Brahmauas (24).
The king was not only of a religious temperam3nt but
was also, in a manner, the defender of faith and protector of
religion. It was his duty to maintain intact the castes and
A dramas in society, and we also hear of his zeal in protecting
Dharma (No. 23). In this respect he followed the traditional
role of kings in India.
We also get some account of the royal life in Champa
from the Chinese accounts and epigraphic evidences. The
following description of King Harivarman by his ambassador
•to the Imperial Court (1076 A. D.) is recorded in a Chinese
Text.
" The King is 36 years of age. He is dressed in rich
embroidered silks,1 and a long tunic hjld by seven chains of
gold. He wears a golden crown3 adorned by seven kinds of
precious gems, and puts on sandals of copper. When he goes
1. For a detailed account, see later.
2. Sometimes the silk was of black or green colour with flowers
in gold embroidered upon it.
3. The crown was of elegant design and very richly decorated.
We can have a fair idea of it from actual specimens includ-
ed among the "royal treasures of Champa" (B. E. F. Vol,
V. P. 40 ft).
ANCIENT HISTORY OF CHAMPA 161
out he is attended by fifty men and ten women, who carry
betel and nuts on golden plates and play on musical instru-
ments".
The Po Nagar Ins. (30) says with reference to king
Vikrantavarman, that a big white umbrella was raised over
his head and his " body was decorated with diadem, waistband,
necklace, and earrings made of gold, ruby and other jewels."
The Glai Lomov Ins. (No* 24) says of Indravarmaa that his
hands and breast were made white by the application of an
abundance of perfumed sandal and musk.
We possess other incidental allusions to the royal dress
and habits. The undergarment of the king was made of
very fine white cotton, probably muslin, bordered by lace or
f unit shed with golden fringe. He put on this dress alone,
even in court, exc3pt on ceremonial occasions, when he wore
the silk tunic as noted before and put on, round his waist, a
rich belt of gold decorated with pearls and jewels. Even his
shoes were d'^corated with precious stones.1
Attired in his gorgeous robe the king entered the Hall
of Audience where he held his court. The immediate
entourage of the king consisted, among others, of nobles,
eminent Brahmat.ias, Purohita, Pandits, astrologers and
masters of ceremonies.
Strangely enough, tha so as, brothers, and niore important
officials of the king had no immediate access to his person,
This was apparently due to f-ar of b^ing assassinated by
them. The daily life of the king was regulated by a fixed
routine. Every day at midday he gave audienca to his
people in an open Durbar. The king sat cross-legged on a
high throne. Those who were presented to him saluted him
in Indian fashion, bowing down their h3ads very low, while
1, T'oung Pao, 1910, pp. L93— 04,
162 ADMINISTRATIVE SYSTEM
importance. A large regular army was maintained by the
state. At the time of Fan Wen the army was nearly forty
to fifty thousand strong. It must have been considerably
increased in later times. At the time of Che Bong Nga, the
royal guard alone numbered 5000. The armament of the
soldiers consisted of a shield, javelin, halbsrd, bow and cross-
bow The arrows were not feathered but their tips were poi-
soned. The soldiers marched with their standards at the
sound of drums and conchshells. They were arranged into
groups of five who were responsible for one another. If any
one of them fled, the other four were liable to death.
According tc Maspero the Cham army consisted merely
of infantry and elephants till 1171 A D. when they learnt
the use of cavalry from the Chinese. This is not, however,
quite correct. What the Chams learnt from the Chinese in
1171 was the art of throwing arrows from the back of horses,
a somewhat difficult operation inasmuch as both hands of the
rider had to be kept free. But cavalry was a part of their army
long before that. This is proved by the following vivid des-
cription of a battle-field contained in an inscription dated
909 A. D. "Which (the battle-field) is grey with the dust raised
by the swift-moving sharp hoofs of horses galloping high;
whose surface has been dyed red with drops of blood, like
A£oka flowers, shed by means of various weapons; and in the
four regions of which the sounds of war-drums were drowned
by the rp^rr pf giguntiq beautiful elephants" ( Ins. No. 39,
v. 17).
The elephants formed an important part of the army and
w<* have already seen how the Chinese army was perplexed
by this new element in warfare which was no doubt intro-
duced by the Indian colonists. The number of war elephants
maintained in Champa was nearly one thousand. Odoric de
ANCIENT HISTORY OF CHAMPA 153
Pordenone says that at the time of his visit to Champa (c.
1323 AD.) the king had 14,000 tame elephant^1
The navy consisted of large turret-ships as well as light
junka The total number of vessels was fairly large and we
have several referencss to squadrons of more than 100 ves-
sels supporting the movement of an army on land.
The king often entrusted his brothers or other membars
of the royal family with the chief command of the army.
Th3 generals had tli3 title of Mahaaonapati and S^napati, and
th3ra ware 83veral grades of officers und3r ttnm. Tiny all
took an oath to tha king to fight for him till th3ir death.
Th3ir pay consisted of subsidies in kind, and th^y w?r3 exempt
from taxation. Tli3 ordinary soldiers received two bushels
of rlc^ par month and thrae to five drjssas for winter and
summer.
The Chims had a fair knowledge of tli3 art of fortifica-
tion. They protsctod their towns by brick walls flankad by
watchtowers made of stone. These citadels and a stronghold
named Riu-sou specially fortified for the purpose served as
tha depot for their war materials. A detailed account oJ the
fortification of Kiu-sou has baen given above (p-26). Lastly
th3 Chams constructed entrenched camps by means of
palisades and turrets. Th,3y painted the outer gates of their
citadels with the ashos of an animal. They believed that thess
were theroby made impregnable.
While the Chams assiduously cultivated the arts of war,
th^y did not neglect tin arts of peac3. Th3 kings maintained
diplomatic relations with neighbouring countries. Constant
embassies to the courts of China and Annam have already
been referred to in the preceding pages. The Nhan-Bieu
Inscription (No.43) records the career of a nobleman named
Rajadvarah who was twice despatched by the king to
Yavadvipa on a diplomatic mission. Tha Bang-An Ins.
(No 42) refers to a multitude of royal ambassadors coming to
1. Marco PoloTEdited by Yule— Vol. 11 p. 352i
154 ADMINISTRATIVE SYSTEM
Champa from different countries The Hoa Que Ins. (No 39)
relates, among oth?r qualifications of tha minister 5jna
Jayendrapati, that " by hard exertion Ii3 was able to under-
stand thoroughly tin m°aning of m3ssag38 83nt by kings from
different countries." All th^s3 references, taken together,
leave no doubt that tli3 king lorn of Champa maintain3d
extensive diplomatic relations with h3r n 31 ghbour ing countries.
The art of diplomacy, as practis3d in India, was fairly
understood. Tli3 neighbouring stat3S wer3 classified as
friends, enemies or noutrals, and the relation with th>s3
powers was guided by the four expedients of sdma (concilia-
tion), ddna (gifts), bheda (discord) and dandu (chastis3tn3nt)
(Nos. 9 and 62). Sometimes ditnda is replac3d by i^papradlna
(brib?ry) (No. 65). What is rnora important still is the
referenc3 to t: sjdynnya '' which is undoubtedly identical
with tho " 80,'1/junya" of Kautilya, meaning th3 sixfold
measuras of royal policy.1 Karnandakiya Nitisara, a traatis)
on politics basad upon Kautiliya Artha astra, d3als ext3nslvj]y
with th3 four cxp3dients and th? sixfold moasuras of royal
policy. It is possibh that political science was studied in
Champa from books of this kin I.2 It is to bj rainiinb^rad,
however, that Manusi uhita, which we know from othar
sources to hava b,>on us 3d in Champa, also djals with both
th°S3 topics, viz. tho four expedients and tti3 s'xfold m?asurss
of royal policy, but its discussion on th 333 subj ?cts is neither
full nor accurate, th? author having evidently borrovv3d his
materials from books on political scianca which he did not
charly understand. But howso3ver that may be, there is no
doubt that th3 statesui3n in Champa ware thoroughly imbued
with the id?as of Indian Political ScienC3 and ib formed the
basis of polity in that kingdom.
1. Kantiliya-Arthasastra Bk. VII ch I
2. Dr. R. Mitra pointed out in the Introduction to his edition
of Kam*ndakiya Nitisara that the hook waa imported into
Hali island by Ha Hindu inhabitants as eaily as the
fourth century A.D.
Chapter XIV.
The King.
The king of Champa was not only the hsad but also the
centre of administration, and it is therefore necessary to
discuss his position and status at some length. Fortunately,
our materials for the study of this subject are fuller and moi'e
reliable than those for the administrative systam.
In theory the king was regarded as of divine origin, tha
colonists following in this respect the view of the orthodox
Brahmanical schools of India. Indeed the whola concaption
of the status and position of the king 83eras to ba dominated
by the Brahmanical views such as those propounded in Alanu-
sanihita.
Reference to the divine nature of kings is found in Po
Nagar Tns. (No.29A., v.2). In Dong Duong Ins. (No.31A,
v.8) kings are referrad to as " the gods dwelling upon earth".
Lastly ha is said to ha ye the vigmha or body of Chandra,
Indra, Agni, Yama and Kuvcra (No.23, v.3). Now no body
can possibly ignore the striking ressmblanca between these
views acid thosa propounded at the beginning of Chapter VII
In Manusamhita. W j r3ad thara that the king " is a great
deity in human form " (v.8) and that the Lord created him
" taking for that purpose etornal particles of Indra, of the
Wind, of Yama, of the Sun, of Fir?, of Varuna, of tha Moon,
and of tha Lord of Wealth (Kubara) ".*
To what extent this thaory of divine origin modified
tha status of king hi practica it is not possible to say. In
ona respect, however, it was carried to its logical conclusion,
in a maanar which would have baen regarded as horribly
scandalous in India. In Po Nagar Ins. (No.30) we read that
king's feet were worshipped, even by Brahmauas and
1* Laws of Maun' Trans!, by Buhler, pp 210-217.
156 THE KING
priests. This would ba quite in keeping with the divine
origin of kings, but in India the Brahmanas were careful
enough to safeguard their own position, and thus the first and
foremost duty of the " divine kings" was to worship the
Brahmanas.1 Tho kings in Champa were not apparently
dominated by the influsnc3 of the iSrahmanas, at least to the
Bame extent as in India.
But although theoretically th3 king appears to b3 vested
with absolute authorit}^, there might have bsen limitations
to his power in actual practice. Unfortunately our knowledge
in this matter is very vague. The Vo-Chanh inscription
(No. 1) refers to an "assembly", but we do not know any
thing about its power and functions.
Maspero supposes that the crown-prince could not asc3nd
the throne without tti3 approval of tin nobility. Ha admits
that this rub was violated wh3n th3 king was powerful
enough, but holds that it was the normal rule. Unfortunately
the evidenc3 in support of his view is slend3r in th3 extreme.
The modern practice of Cambodge to which ha refers can
hardly ba taken as a sura guide for practic3 in ancient
Champa. Tho passages of Dong Duong Ins.2 on which he
relies, as translated by ra3, do not support tli3 contention in
any way. On th3 oth^r hand such boasting expression as is
used by Indravannan viz. that h3 "gained th3 king-loin by
tha special merit of his austerities, and by virtu3 of his pure
intelligenc3, and not from his grand- father or fath?r" ssems
to indicate that hereditary succession was ths normal rule. It
is quite true that in troubbsome times, or probably for
some special reasons such as th3 absenc3 of a b^al or suitabh
heir, the king was sometimes elected by the people. Thus
when Jaya Rudravarman died at Panduranga in 1 147 A. D.
1. cf. Mamisamhita, Ch. VII, vv, 37 ff
2. No. 31 B vv. VI, IX and XI
ANCIENT HISTORY OF CHAMPA 157
the paopb of that town invited his son Harivarma to
be tha king of Champa (Ins. No. 75). According to Myson
Ins. = (No. 12) the kingdom was bestowed on Prakasadharma
by holy men. When Harivarman abdicated, the people offered
th? authority to his son (No. 62).
In connection with ths hereditary succession it is
n?c?ssary to note th.3 importance of the females. Kings are
sucooded not only by their sister's son, but also by their
sister's husband and even wife's sister's son.1 This has been
attributed to the system of matriarchy supposed to be prevalent
iu.thoso parts of the country.
After his acc?asion to tha throne th^ new king performed
his coronation C3remony with groat pomp and splendour.
Sometimes a long interval elaps3d between the accassion of
a king and his coronation. Thus Harivarman ascended the
throne in 1147 A. D., but was " consecrated to the throne
with due ceremonials" only in 1149 A. D. King Vlra
Bhadravarmadeva was consacratad 32 years after his acces-
sion.
There seems also to have been a fairly general practice
among kings of Champa to take a new name called
Abhiselcandma (No. 7) at the time of the coronation. Thus
Pra'astadharma, son of Rudravarman, took the name 6ri
Sambhuvarman at the time of his coronation (No. 7). Several
other instances of this kind are shown in a tabular form
below.
Ordinary Name. Coronation Name.
1. Prakagadharma. £rl Vikrantavarman (No. 12)
2. Pu lyau Sri Rajadvara. Sri Jaya Indravarmadeva (No. 62)
3. Prince Nauk Glaun
1. Of. the genealogy of kings leferred to in Ch. V and *l«o
tho casts of Jaya Simhavarnmdova (Nc. 36).
158 THE KINO
Vijaya or Vira Bhadra — £rl Brsu Indravarman.
vttrma-deva
Whether the assumption of new names at the time of
coronation was a universal practice we cannot say, but there is
no doubt that it was a fairly common practice.
After hie accession to the throne the new king was
confronted with a heavy list of duties. Numerous references
to personal qualities of the king enable us to form a general
idea of what the kings were expected to be, if not what thoy
actually were. A general picture of these ideal qualities of a
king would throw light not only on the ideal of kingship in
those days, but also, to a certain extent, on the ideals of human
life at Champa. An analysis of these ideal qualities as cullod
from different inscriptions1 is given below.
I. Physical charm.
The king " had all the marks of a Maharaja, according to
the canon of Rajacakravartin " (No. 65). He had the 32 signs
(33 according to No 94) as well as grace and beauty, youth
and ability (Nos. 62, 65.). His beauty was like that of Cupid
arid yet his appaarancs was t3rrible like that of Garuda
(No. 24).
II. Strength and Valour.
The king was skilbd in all the weapons and was heroic
and energetic (62, 65.). He was possessed of innate courage
and of great strength. He took part in numerous battles and
cut off the heads of kings, generals and other men of the
hostile party (62,65,72,81).
III. Administrative capacity.
The king knew and practised the four expedieats viz.
aflma, dana, bheda and danda (or upapradana) V62,65.X He
i. Tte figures within brackets in the succeeding paragraphs
refer to the number of inscriptions.
ANCIENT HISTORY OF CHAMPA 159
ma'ntained the eighteen titles of law laid down by Manu, and
ths uniformity of proc3dura (Nos. 62,05). H^ knew t'h.3 true
import of ths sixfold measures of royal policy. H3 was strictly
impartial in discharging his duties (65), and n3ver transgres-
sed th3 et3rnal rubs of conduct (12). H^ dutifully prot^ct3d his
subjects (No. 12) and d?stroyjd all ths thieves (24). Ha was
constantly d3vot3d to his duty and faithful to law lika
Dharmaraja (24). Ernbracsd by th3 goddess of sovoraignty Ii3
was " without equal in r^spsct of royal glory, knowledge,
wisdom, spbndour, fani3, sacrad learn in«r, polity, renown and
conduct" (31).
IV. Learning and culture
Th3 king had tin knowbdgs of 64 KulCi* (arts) (62,72). H3
was wis3, eloquent, and profoundly intelligent. (65,74). Ha
was V3rs3d in all tli3 diff'rant branches of knowbdg3l (32,94).
V. Moral qualities.
The king had th3 knowledg3 of th'3 jrooJ and the bad
(62 65) and poss3ssed a sonse of duty, patience, forb3aranc3,
calm of h3art, liberality, truthfulness and compassion towards
all b sings (65,41). H3 impartially pursued the thr3e objects —
w?alth, virtue and pbasur3 — without showing preference to any
(65). He controlled th3 six passions viz. k,jma (sensual
passion), kroiha (an<pr), lo')ha (covetonsaess), inoha (infatua-
tion), mada (prid^) and mataarya (malice) (65).
1. King Bhidravarman was versed in the four Vedas (No. 4).
King Indravarm-in kn^w the six systems of Philosophy,
including Mimamsa and Buddhist PhilosDphy, the gram-
mar of Panini with Kasika oouimentarv, and the Akhyana
and the Uttarakalpa of the Saivas (No. 45). King Sri
Jaya Indravarmadeva was versed in Grammar, Astrology,
Philosophical doctrines like Mahayana and Dharmaautras,
notably the Naradiya anl the Bhargg.iviya (No. 81).
160 THE KING
VL Religions qualities.
The king knew the supreme truth and the absolute
reality without egotism (65). He installed gods and
temples and endowed them liberally1 (94,110). "Realising that
the body and its pleasures are ephemeral, he perform 3d 2/<#a,
dhydna and samddhi and practised virtue constantly and
thoroughly (65). Ha was the foremost among thos* who
regarded sacrifices as their principal tr3asuras (23). He made
pious works such as digging tanks, building roads, making
religious endownnnts (110) and gave gifts day and night (62),
particularly to munis, ascetics and learned Brahmauas (24).
The king was not only of a religious t3inp3ram3nt bat
was also, in a manner, the defender of faith and protector of
religion. It was his duty to maintain intact the castes and
A^ramas in society, and we also hear of his zeal in protecting
Dharma (No. 23). In this respect he followed the traditional
role of kings in India.
We also get some account of the royal life in Champa
from the Chinese accounts and epigraphic evidenc3S. Th3
following description of King Harivarman by his ambassador
•to the Imperial Court (1076 A. D.) is recorded in a Chines3
Text.
" The King is 36 years of ag3. He is dress3d in rich
embroidered silks,1 and a long tunic h^ld by seven chains of
gold. He wears a golden crown3 adorned by seven kinds of
precious gems, and puts on sandals of copper. Wh3n he goes
1. For a detailed account, see later.
2. Sometimes the silk was of black or gre«n colour with flowers
in gold embroidered upon it.
3. The crown was of elegant design and very richly decorated.
We can have a fair idea of it from actual specimens includ-
ed among the "royal treasures of Champa" (B. E. F. Vol,
V. P. 40 ff).
ANCIENT BISTORT OF CHAMPA 161
out he is attended by fifty men and ten women, who carry
betel and nuts on golden plates and play on musical instru-
ments".
The Po Nfcgar Ins. (30) says with reference to king
Vikrantavarman, that a big white umbrella was raised over
his head and his " body was decorated with diadem, waistband,
necklace, and earrings made of gold, ruby and other jewela"
The Glai Lomov Ins. (No, 24) says of ladravarnmn that his
hands and breast wore made white by the application of an
abundance of perfumed sandal and inusk.
We possess other incidental allusions to the royal dress
and habits. Tli3 undergarment of the king was made of
very fine white cotton, probably muslin, bordered by lace or
furnished with golden fringe. Ho put on this dress alone,
even in court, exc3pt on ceremonial occasions, when he wore
the silk tunic as noted before and put on, round his waist, a
rich belt of gold decorated with pearls and jewels. Even his
shoes wpre decorated with precious stones.1
Attirod in his gorgeous robe the king entered the Hall
of Audience where he held his court. The immediate
entourage of the king consisted, among others, of nobles,
eminent Bmhmanas, Purohita, Pandits, astrologers and
masters of ceremonies.
Strangely enough, tha sons, brothers, and more important
officials of the king had no imm?diat3 access to his person.
This was apparently due to f-ar of b^ing assassinated by
them. Tli3 daily life of the king was regulated by a fixed
routine. Every day at midday hs gave audienca to his
people in an open Durbar. The king sat cross-legged on a
high throne. Thosa who were presented to him saluted him
ia Indian fashion, bowing down tiioir h3ads very low, while
1, T'oung Pao, 1910, pp. 193—94.
1G2 THE LAND
placing the arms across their breast. This was again repeated
when the audience was finished.
On having tho Durbar, the king mounted an elephant,
to the accompanim?nt of the sounds of drums and conchshells,
and a cotton umbrella was raisad over his head. Close behind
him marched an official with a plate uf betelnut. Then fol-
lowed the royal guard of more than 1000 soldiers, armed with
spear, sword, shield, bow and arrow. On less formal occasions
the king went in a chariot, escorted by 30 women carrying
b2tels and a shield. Sometimes tho king went in a palanquin
carried by four men.
Aft3r tin arduous toils and anxieties of administrative
work th<3 king sought for relaxation in his vary- big harem.
Thars ware a Iarg3 number of queens of various ranks, con-
cubines, danc'ng girls and a large retinue of servants. Ac-
cording to Marco Polo, "no woman in the kingdom of
Champa was allowed to marry until the king had seen her.
If the woman pleased him then he took her to wife ; if not,
he gave her a dowry to get a husband." When Marco Polo
visited Champa, about 1285 A. D., " the king had, between
sons and daughters, 326 children, of whom at least 150 were
men fit to carry arms."
Odoric de Pordencne who visited Champa about 40 years
later also remarks that the king of the country had about 200
children, for he had many wives and a large number of
concubines.1
On the death of a king, the more favourite among" his
women, particularly the queens, burnt themselves on the
funeral pyre according to the " Sati rite " prevalent in India.
The rest remained faithful to their dead lord," and passed
their lives in good deeds and religious ceremonies; unless, as
1. Maroo Polo-Ed. Yule, Vol. If, pp. 249-250 and the footnotes.
ANCIENT HISTORY OF CHAMPA 1G3
it happened in some cases, they entered into the harem of th<>
next king, either willingly or under compulsion.1
It would be unfair to conclude, however, that the kings
of Champa were as a rub devoted to luxury and sensual
pleasures. Some of them were of religious bent of mind. We
even hear of some kings abdicating tli3 throne in order to
spend the last days of their lives in religious practices. The
cases of Gangamja and Harivarrnau may be cited as examples.
In this respect, too, tho colonists followod some of the beat
traditions of India.
1. Fan Wen starved to death thoso Mou.en cf Fan Yi who re-
fused to obey him.
BOOK II
THE CULTURE CIVILISATION
OF CHAMPA
CHAPTER I.
Religious Evolution in Champa
Religion has boen on3 of the most important factors in
ths building up of Indian civilisation. It is no wonder,
therefore, that the Indian colonists who founded a new king-
dom in Champa transplanted to tlr^ir land of adoption tho
religious idons with which they wore imbued at home. Indeed,
it is a matter of common knowledge that no other feature of
Indian civilisation 1 .kf t such a profound imprbss upon thes^
colonial kingdoms, and event now, whan tho political supremacy
of tin Indians in ihoso far-off kinds is merely a dream of ths
past, th?y contain unm:stak&bls traces of tli3 Indian religion
and its handmaid, art and architecture.
Several circumstances imik^ tin study of Indian religion,
as developed in thes? countries, ono of profound interest. In
the iirst place, although it is a familiar story how Buddhism
made extensive conquests in foreign lands, Hinduism had never
b3en known to make its influence felt outside the boundaries
of India. Yet it is precisely the conservative form of Brah-
maiiical religion that became predominant in the new colony,
and dominated the entire development of Hindu civilisation.
Secondly, the religious ideas of India were confronted there by
a system of primitive beliefs and superstitions, and we find
here a repetition, on a smaller scale, of what took place in
Northern India, when the Aryans swept away the whole
country and imposed their own religion upon the primitive
people.
Thirdly, the study of Indian religion in ancient Champa
not only affords an interesting insight into the vigour and
vitality of the Brahmanical religion, but also shows the com-
pleteness with which tli3 foreigners had absorbed the Hindu
civilisation. Nothing demonstrates more strikingly the absolute
168 RELIGIOUS EVOLUTION IN CHAMPA
hold which the Indian civilisation had over the native mind.
It i« hot only a story of a great triumph, but of a triumph
against enormous odds. It has been already related in the pre-
vious pages that the political power of the Indian colonists in
Champa was never very sscura. Threatened by the Chinese,
the Annamites and the Cambodians they had always to lead
an insecure life. Repeated incursions of thesa powers almost
destroyed the solidarity of thoir political fabric. Yet, amid
all these vicissitudes of political fortune, Hinduism never
ceased to make headway and inspire its million devotees to
place their wealth and energy at its service. The triumph was
all the greater because Hinduism had to reckon in this distant
land with the all-powerful civilisation of China. As a matter
of fact China was first in the fbkl, and was already master
of the greater part of the country when the Indian colonists
made their influ3nce felt. Further, throughout the cours3 of
history th3 Chin333 empire wh'.ch cached th3 borders of the
new Indian colony exercised political influence of both direct
and indirect character. The Hindu kings of Champa had oft3n
to acknowledge the nominal suzerainty of the Chinese emperor
and send him regular tributes and pres3nts ; now and then the
Chinese army even occupied and cbvastated the whole country.
Yet, inspite of all these natural advantages, the Chinese civilisa-
tion had to give way b}fora the onward inarch of the Indian
in a distant land practically cut off from the mainland of India,
The superiority of the Indian civilisation was ouc3 more
demonstrated, and it was apparsnt that Brahmauical religion
was not probably much behind Buddhism in respect of mis-
sionary zeal and proselytising activity.
The Brahmanical religion that flourished in Champa WAS
not the Vedic religion of old but the neo-Brahmrtnical raligion
that was evolved in India almost at the same time As Buddhism
and Jainism. The essential characteristic of this new religion
ANCIENT HISTORY OF CHAMPA 169
was its sectarian character, the chief God being recognised as
either Brahm&, Visnu or $iva. The belief in a multiplicity o!
gods which prevailed in Vedic times was replaced by absolute
faith and devotion to one supreme God. Gradually the new
faith inspired a new literature, the Pur&toas, and usherad in
elaborate rituals and ceremonies. We find an echo of the pomp
and grandeur of Buddhism in the magnificent temples erected
to Visnu, Siva and the hosts of gods associated with them.
These gods formed the centre of new philosophical specula-
tions and hosts of myths and legends, and on them was lavished
the wealth and luxury of an opulent people.
In course of time the sectarian BrahmanicaJ religioa
triumphed over Buddhism which had hitherto played a dprni-
nant part in India. But although worsted in the struggle
Buddhism maintained its existencd for C3uturie;s tp cojne.
Thus the religious history of India during the first thousand
years of the Christian era presented a new spectacle, the
gradual rise of the new sscts and the corresponding decline of
the once triumphant Buddhist religion.
All these characteristic features can be traced in minute
detail in the religious history of Champa. Fortunately,
materials for the study of this history are abundantly supplied
by the large number of inscriptions aad images of deities that
are still to be found in that far-off land.
Of the two Brahmauical sects that flourished in Champa,
Saivism was by far the more influential and exercised a pro-
found influenea on the whole course of religious development.
The hold of the Visuuites and tin Buddhists was poor m com-
parison. But there is no trace of any reUgious sjtroggle. Q,n
the other hand we have abundant traces of mutual good will
and attempts at reconciliation between the different secta
CHAPTER IF.
The conception of Siva.
Of the three membsrs of the Hindu Trinity £iva occupied
an unquestioned position of supremacy in the Hindu colony of
Champa. The causes as well as the process of gradual eleva-
tion of one of the gods above his rivals are but imperfectly
known to us, but there can ba no doubt about the fact. Of the
130 inscriptions discovered in Champa and published in this
volume, about 21 do not refer to any religious sect in particular.
Of the rest, 92 refer to £iva and the gods associated with him,
3 to Visnu, 5 to Brahma under the name Svayamutpanna and
7 to Buddha, while two refer to both ^iva and Visnu.1 This
analysis of the known inscriptions is an eloquent testimony to
the predominance of the god £iva. The same conclusion is
forced upon us when we rem3mb3r that the two principal groups
of temples in ancient Champa, Viz. thos3 of Myson, and Po-
Nagar are dedicated to iSivaite gods. Further, the preeminence
of £iva is clearly indicated by th3 fact that the god was regard-
ed as ths tutelary deity of both the city and the kingdom of
Champa. Thus according to the Ins. No. 41, the city was
created by the rays issuing from the pair of feet of £rI6anabha-
dresa', while in the Ins. No. 94, the same god is referred to
as 'the origin of the kingdom of Champa. These brief allu-
sions are fully explained in tho Ins. No. 31 which describ3S
how Uroja, sent to the earth by &va, established the kingdom
of Champa, having at first placed a iinya of that God as the
protector of the city. In the Ins. No. 42 we are told that th3
god $ri IganeSvara 'lives here triumphantly together with his
1. In this calculation, account has been taken only of the princi-
pal God mentioned in the inscriptions. In several cases, al-
though Siva is the piinsipal God, Vignu and other gods have
been mentioned as subsidiary gods.
ANCIENT HISTORY OF CHAMPA
multitude of servants for the Stfke of the proSperiiy of Chatnpa'.
The god Siva vfras knowri by various names. These taay
be roughly classified as follows : —
(a) Names denoting his position of supremacy over other
gods1 :—
Mahe£vara(4)
Mahadeva (6)
MahadeveSvara (29)
Amare^a (10)
AdhlSa (31)
Devadeva (34)
Isvaradevata (59)
Isvaradevadideva (32);
Vrddhe,;vara (35)
Parame.Svara (36)
(b) Names denoting general greatness, mastery etc :—
Itona (20) Itenadeva (21) ligane'lvaw (1^) K&tfa-
natha (16) Pane.1raranatha (17).
(c) Names denoting the beneficent nature of the god : —
£ambhu (22) Ankara (28) ^ankare^a (38) Bhagyakft-
nteavara (33) Dharme^vara (39).
(d) Names denoting the destructive or fierce character of
the god: —
garva (79) Bhlma (17) Ugra (24) Rudra (24) Eudra-
madhyeSvara (35) Eudrakotisvara (39) Maharudra-
deva (39).
(e) Names arising out of mythological attributes or char-
acteristics : —
1. Figures within brackets after each name indicate the serial
number of the Inscription where it occurs. Although one
reference only is giverti to 'eiich, sometenieiS a Wm't** ocdursr in
severar inscriptions;
172 THE CONCEPTION OF SIVA
gull (7;, Bhava (17), Pa^upati (17), Varaegvara (19), Vama-
bhute$vara(20), Yogi'vara (59>, Guheg vara (74), JayaguheSvara
(35), VijayasuiiheSvara (61), Bhumivijaya (107), IndralokeSvara
(65), Suvarnaksa (18), Sanflhaka (26).
(f) Names connected with linga.
Devalinge^vara ("43)
Mahalingadeva (32)
5ivalinge>vara (35)
^ivalingadeva (35)
MahaSivalingesvara (39)
Dharmaling3svara (41)
The various names attributed to Siva would convey a
fair idea of tho conc3ption of the god in the mind of his devo-
tees at Champa. Fortunately wj are not dependent upon
such a slender nnans alone for our knowbdga in this resp3ct.
The inscriptions contain hymns and praises addressed to Siva,
as well as a large number of incid dntal allusions, and these
enable us to enter more fully into this subject.
&va is expressly referred to as 'the chief of the Trinity'
and the 'supreme god of gods' in quite a large number of in-
scriptions. Th'ia Siva is said to have 'obtained ths position of
the head of the gods by m?ans of his extraordinary power and
fame' (No. 31 A. v. 15). He is the preceptor of gods (No. 39,
v. 13), He is the suprann daity extolled and revered by all the
gods beginning with Brahma or In Ira (No. 16, v. 1; No. 21, v. 1;
No. 32, v. 1; No. 46, v. 1). The gods as a class, derive their strength
fromgiva(No.3l,v.l3).BrahmaandVi8nu bow down to Him,
saying 'Thou great god, of gods; pleas? grant a boon to us' (No.
39, v. 10). Lastly, the brilliant picture of the assembly of
gods, drawn in No. 42, ssts the final 83al of supremacy to th3
god Siva. 'With Indra in front, Brahma to tli3 right, tho Moon
and the Sun at the back, and the god Narayaua to th3 left,
ANCIENT HISTORY OF CHAMPA 173
sits in the middle, glowing with splendid rays, while
those and other gods bow down before him and sing a chorus of
praise and thanksgiving beginning with* om' and ending with
'Svadha-evaha'.1
Quite in keeping with this position of unique supremacy
among the gods, Siva is endowed with a numb3r of the highest
divine attributes. Ho controls the creation, maintenance and
dissolution of this world, while he himself has neither begin-
uing nor end/ He is not only the creator but also tli3 precep-
tor of the three worlds, bhukt bhuvah and svah ; he is the
knower of all things and the fixed cause of the universe (No. 7).
He is 'the primaeval being' (No. 32, v. 1), calm, pure supreme
and sublime (No. 16, v. 1). HB is possessed of anima, and
other divine faculties (No. 17) ; he cannot be cut or pierced
(No. 16, v. 10) ; he is without cause (No. 17, v, 6) and without
atoms (No. 21 v. 1) ; his body is imperceptible (No. 95. v. 1) ; ha
permeates everything (No. 73, v. I), penetrates everywhere
(No. 46 v. 1), and embodies the entire world in himself (No .73,
v. 1). There is none in the world who knows Siva in his true
aspects, for his true nature is beyond the domain of thought
and speech (No. 17, v. I).2 He is the aupreme energy (No. 23,
v.l) and the source of the supreme end of life (No. 17). His
image, identical with the universe, is manifested by his forms,-
earth, water, fire, air, sky, sun, moon and sacrificer. He is con-
stantly devoted to the welfare of all beings (No. 12, v. 28). Ha
is the one lord of the world and grants supremacy to gods and
men (No. 17). From him are born all creatures and to him
they ultimately resort (No. 23, V. 1).
1 For a similar presentation of Mahadeva, cf Mahabharata
Anusaaanaparvan Ch. XIV.
2. Also cf the prose portion on p. 35.
174 THE CONCEPTION OF &VA
$iva has dual aspects. He is the destroyer (No. 73, v; 1),
and burnt all forms including gods (No. 7). On the other hand,
he removes the sin of the world (No. 7) and delivers men from
the ocean of existence by destroying the seeds of karma which
lead to successive re-births (No. 12).
He is the object of meditation of the aso3tic$ (No. 32, v. 1)
and even thoughts of him alone are capable of yielding infinite
bliss (No. 12, v. 30).
But &va is not conc3ived in the abstract alons. Hs
appears as a concrete divine figure with familiar myths and
legends clustering round him. The old popular god of Indian
masses reappears in a foreign land with his well-known featu-
res. He has matted hair (No. 24), three eyes (No. 24), five (No.
79) or iix (No. 84) facas, and holds th3 trident in his hand (12).
He originated from the nether world (No. 23) and is a resident
of heaven. But sometimes he lives in the Himalaya-(No. 24) or
Malaya mountains (No. 31 B, v. 2), and sometimes sports in the
Manasa lake with his Saktis (No. 95 v. 1). Besmearing his
body with ashes (No. 23) h3 rid?s on a bull (No. 17) and dancas
in cemetery (No. 12, v. 28). He married Gauri, the daughter of
Himalaya, (No. 17) but maintains the Ganges on his head (No.
23). He is not, however, a frivolous god. Ho is learnad ( No. 62
v. 3) and intelligent (No. 74, v. 13). He practises austerities
without desiring any reward therafrom (No. 17). Indeed, ha
haa no desira of his own ! (No. 12, v. 30)., His body is purified
by means of miracles, yoga, japa, hunklra, etc. (No. 24b).,
Ha 13 attended and worshippad by man and gods as well as the
semi-divine baings like siddhas, cdranO8, yaktaa, etc.
Some of ths great achievements of Indian Siva were
quite familiar in Champa. The famous epiaode of burning the
Cupid to ashes is again and again referred to. (Ncfc. 17, 21, 24,
36, 41, 74). Being struck with the, arrow named &cmn*ot*ana by
ANCIENT HISTORY OF CHAMPA 175
Cupid (No. 41, v. 2), he reduced the latter to ashes by imans of
burning fire proceeding from his eyes (No. 17), but later on
again restored him to life (No. 36, v. 1). This well-known
allegorical myth, depicting Diva's absoluta control over sensual
passions, is a favourite theme of Sanskrit p03ts, and has baen
immortalised by Kalidasa in his famous poam Kumara-Samb-
hava. Apparently this aspect of Siva's character made a deep
impression upon his devotees at Champa.
The second nnmorable achievem3nt of ^iva, stress3d in
ths inscriptions of Champa, is the destruction of tha demon
Tripura (No*. 17, 24, 32 ) an 1 his three cities in the sky. As
has already bsen noted, th3 details of this event agree cloaely
with those given in the Mahabharata. l
Ths third mythological incident about Siva is the story of
Upamanyu (No. 17). This has baen narratad at great length in
the Anu^asanaparvan of Mahabharata (Ch. XIV) which agree*
with the inscriptions of Champa in extolling Mahadeva in the
most extravagant terms and placing him above all other gods
including Brahma and Vismi.
Lirigapuraua, an extratnist ^aiva book of the sam3 type, is
probably the source of anothsr story in tho inscription of
Champa (No. 39). It is said that on one occasion there was a
contest for supremacy bit ween Brahma and Visuu when a
luminous Linja appeared before them. The two combatants
agraed to traca tti3 sourc3 of the Liny*. Brahma took the
form of a swan anl W3nt upwards, whih Visnu in th3 form of a
boar went downwards. For a thousand years they tried but
could not reach th3 end of the Liny a one way or the other.
Mahadeva then appeared bafore th3 discomfited gods and recei-
ved homag3 from tham, and th3y promised eternal devotion lor
him.8
1. Cf. [ns. N<>. 17 V. 4 and the footnote.
2. For tho story cf. Lingipuraua T, 17, 5-52. Vayupurana, oh. 66.
176 THE CONCEPTION OF SIVA
Thai Hoa-Qne Inscription from which we learn the above story
oontame an elaborate praise of the Linga form which virtually
credits the Linga with the same attributes as those given to
6iva himself. The Linga is primaeval, having no beginning
or end, and revered by gods and men. The Linga assumes
Various forms for the sake of prosperity of this world, and
those who even once bow down to these Lingo* realise their
desires.
Chapter III.
The Worship of Siva.
In Champa, Siva was repres3nt3d both as a human figure
as well as in Irs lingo, form. The latter occurs more frequently,
as in India, than the image of $iva.
Th3 ordinary Zi?i</r4sareplac3don a pedestal (Sndna-dronl)
which is usually square and sometimes richly ornamented with
human figures or other decorative designs. In a few instances
th3 pedestal is round and tli3 Yoni is rspressnted therein. Very
often several lingas, sometimes as many as seven, are found
on th? same pacbs'al.
Tii3 linjds ai*3 of the usual cylindrical shape. Som3times
a tnad is sculptured on this linga. This is undoubtedly the
Mukhalinga so frequently nnntionad in the inscriptions pf
Champa. M. Finot supposes that this h?ad repres3nts that of
the king who founded the liwja and identified himself with
Siva, But M. Aymonier sterns to b3 right in his view that
th3 h3ad repres3nts &va him93lf. For, according to th3 Ins.
No. 39, after Brahma and Visuu had bowed down before the
/ircga of Siva, th3 lattsr "showed th3m his fac\ issued from
th3 middb part of tin linga." But it is quite probable th*t
tli3 fae3 wasd3lib3rately made to resemble that of ticking.
In support of this view we can quote tli3 Ins. No. 39 in which
we are told that three brothsra erected images of 6ri Mahft-
Rudradeva and Bhagavati out of d3votion to, and in imitation
of th3 features of tlnir father and moth3r. In India we meet
with similar Mukhalihgas, sometimes with four faces.
As a human figure Siva is represented in a variety oi
forms.
I. Ordinary human figure with two hands.
Two mutilat?d oarly £iva figures of this type found at
Tra-kieu are given in Ars Asiatica Vol. IV. Pi. XXII. The god
178 THE WORSHIP OF SIVA
is repres3nted as a strongly built figure standing in a defiant
attitude.
The head is covered with rich curls of matted hair magni-
ficently arranged in conical shape. A richly decorated diadem
surrounds it at the basa, while a brilliant mukuta ( crown )
covers the upper part. Stray locks of hairs fall on the breast.
The ndgas or serpents sarve as the ornaments of the ears
and also take the placs of the sacred thread. This last is
attached to the lower of the two necklaces around the neck.
Belts of pearls etc, surround the waist and the upper part of the
abdomen. The upper part of a dagger is seen from above the
belt.
The figures being mutilat3d, the position of hands and feet
cannot be ascertained. One arm shows trace of a bracelet made
of serpents. In the fac% the eyebrows and moustachs are very
prominent. There are crosses and circles in tho diadem which
might repres3nt the sun and th3 moon but tti3 third eye is not
represented on tli3 foreh3ad.
Tli3 images of &va found at Myson are less decorated
and much simpler in design.1 The god is repressntad as standing.
The upp3r part of thi body is nucb, whih two garments fixed by
a b^lb round th3 waist cover th^ lowar part. The lower garunnt
reaches almost upto th.3 ankb, bufc tin upper one t-tops at tlrj
knee. There is a rosary round tli3 wrist of ths right hand
while the left hand holds a vase. The hair is arranged in three
stages on the head. Th3 god has a smiling fac3 with fins mous-
tache, and the third eye is repr383nt3d on the forehead.
Very often Siva is represented as seated, in an attitude of
meditation.2 Sometimes thore is a beautifully decorated halo
bahind the h?ad.3
1. Farm. I C., vol. I Fig 78, p. 362 and Fig. 79, p. 36J.
2. Il>id vol. nf pi^g. 103, 101), pp. 404—5.
3. Ibid Fig. 71. p. 290.
ANCIENT HISTORY OF CHAMPA 179
In a few instanc3s even the normal human figure ol
f5iva has got an uncanny appearance. The &va found at
Yan Mum1 may be cited as an instance. The god is represen-
ted as seated, with a trident in one hand and an elephant's
goad in the other. He has three eyes and the sacred thread
But he is attired like a king and the expression of his face is
almost ghostly. Sometimes, as at Drau Lai, civa is represented
as seated on Nandin, very much in the name style as one sits in
a chair1.
2. Siva is sometimes representad as a human figure with
extra hands in various attitudes. The following varieties may
be noted.
(i) Standing, — six arms, the two upper joined behind the
head, others holding a TriSula, lotus, sword and a cup (?).
(ii) Standing on Nandin, in an attitude of attack; holding
a lanca in two handa; — has 24 or 28 arms; attributes: — Ankara
(Elephant-goad), nagi, ball, pitchar, bag and bow.
(iii) Dancing the Tandava — -sometimes surrounded by N&gls
playing on harp and drum.
(iv) Seated — holding a rosary in one hand and trident in
another.
3. In decorative designs, specially on the Tympanum,
(§iva is represented as dvdrapdla (gate-keeper of temples). In
these cases he has mostly a terrible appearance with projecting
eyes and long teeth. He is armed with a club, and wears a
crown, ear-drops of skulls, upavita and bracelets of
serpents.
Sometimes the dvdrapdla is represented as standing on a bull
1. Ibid, Fig. 77, p. 309
2. Ibid, Fiff. 105, p. 401
180 THE WORSHIP OF SIVA
brandishing a sort of wedge-shaped iron instrument, while
a small figure on the head of the animal and turned towards
the main figure holds a sword in the right and a buckler in the
left hand.
The images of $iva at Champa aro too ntimerouw to be trea-
ted in minute details. The following summary of Parmentier
Would give a fair idea of the general position.
"As an idol, £iva is more frequently represented as a linga
which, on the other hand, seldom figures in decorative designs.
As to the figure of &va, it is more often represented as a
normal human being, rather than of monstrous appearance.
Tho figure is usually seated, but, in rare cases, standing.
In the earlier period he is represented with a corpulent body ; in
the later period, as an ascetic. It is only in the form of dvdra-
pdla that he takes a terrible appearanc3. But this form of
sculpture gradually disappeared. It is in the decoration of tym-
panum again in the earlier period, that the god is represented
as fighting or victorious. It is specially in these cases that the
god has monstrous forms. This is only partly caused by the
multiplication of hands which vary from four to thirty. It is
bnly in exceptional cases again that the god is represented
with a multiplicity of heads. On the other hand he has very
often the third eye on the fore-head. His usual vtihana
(vehicle) is Nandin, and he has the Brahman leal sacred thread
as his distinctive sign. He is sometimes covered by serpents
in the shape of oraameiits. The usual attributes of the god
are the sword, the rosary, the lotus-stem, the triSula, and the
vajra. Among other attributes, less generally found, may be
mentioned discus, lance, bow, arrow, pen, purse, wallet, comb,
cup, bowl, horn, bell, and elephant-goad. Sometimes the
Omkara is marked on the head-dress"1
1. Ibid, pp. 411-12
ANCIENT HISTORY OF CHAMPA
One of the oldest Ung&* ^€ $iva came to be regarded as the
national deity and maintained this position throughout the course
of history. The linga was established by king Bhadravarmau
towards the close of the fourth or the beginning of the fifth
century A. D. and was named i3hadr&3vara, for it was custo-
mary to designate the god by a term composed of the first part
of the donor's name and the word Isvara. This linga named
BhadreSvara or BhadreSvarasvami was placed in a temple at
Myson which soon became a national sanctuary and the C9»fcre of
a group of magnificent tempba The king endowed the temple
with lands whose boundaries are described in three inscrip-
tions (Nos. 4, 5, and 7). This tompb was burnt sometime bet-
ween 478 and 578 A. D. but restored by king Sambhuvarman
who confirmed the endowments previously given by Bhadcavar-
man. Following the custom set on foot by ths latter he, associa-
ted his own name with that of the god, and called him £ambhu-
BhadreSvara. Successive kings, such as Praka'adharma
(No. 17) and Indravarraan II (No. 31) and many others vied
with one another in richly endowing this 'god of gods', and
composing hymns of praise in his honours1. In course of time
a mythical origin was attribated to the Lin ja. It is saidj in
an inscription, dated 875 A. D., that Siva him93lf gave it to
Bhrgu, and Uroja having got it from the latter established it
in Champa. We are told that ^ambhu-Bhadresvara, the greatest
of gods, and the only one fit to be worshipped, was the guardian
deity of Champa, all the kings of which have become famous i|i
the world through his grac3 and favour.
From the middle of the eleventh century A. D. £ti£ftna-
BhadreSvara came to occupy the position of national god. It
appears extremely likely that w.e find here the pJd god
£ambhu-Bhadra£vara under a new name, for the god
1. cf . Ins. No. 17, p. 35.
182 THE WORSHIP OF SIVA
Bhadre£vara ia also said to bo installed by Uroja (No. 73, v. 3).
Henceforth king after king declares himself to be an incarna-
tion of Uroja, and restores or endows the tempb of ^rl^ana-
bhadre£vara which Uroja had formerly established on the
Vugvan mountain (cf. pp. 93, 99 ff above). The temple suffered
much in the hands of tbe enemies, particularly the Cambodgians,
and was therefore repaired and endowed by a succession of
kings,1 sometimes with the booty taken from the Cambodgians
themselves. An idea of the wealth and grandeur of the god and
its surroundings may be formed from the numerous lists of
articles granted to the god by the kings of Champa in per-
petual endowments. In 1088 A. D. Sii Jaya Indravarman
gave him a "golden Kofta of six faces ornamented with ser-
pents and decorated with coloured jewels fixed at sharp points
in the diadem". The Kos'a, which was a frequent gift to
Siva lingas in Champft, appears to be an outer covering for
the same. Th3 one given by Jaya Indravarman V had six
faces, and also an Urddhvakosa or the Adhara Urddhva-mukfta.
As the weights of the Ko3a and of these last two items are
all given separately, it appears that both the fac3S and the
Urddhvakosa were detachable elements fixed on to tho Koza.
This Ko$a of Jaya Indravarman, when completa, contained a
large number of costly gems and gold weighing about 431bs
Troy. About eighty years later, another king of the same
name, Jaya Indravarman VII, gave still richer endowments
to the same god (11 63- 11 70 A. D.). He gave a golden Ko$at de-
corated with costly jewels, constructed an antargrha (inner cham-
. ber) of sandalwood with silver and gold decorations, and offered
vessels, pitchers and various other objects of gold and silver.
He also decorated the temple of £ii£ftnabhadre£vara with
eilver and coated all the pinnacles of the temple with gold.
.1. cf. Ins. Nos. 59 61, G2, 68— 73, 79, 81, 84 ." 87, 94, 101,
109, 117.
ANCIENT HISTORY OF CHAMPA 183
The total amount of gold required for the above purposes was
nearly 75 IbaTroy in weight, and the amount of silver nearly
35,000 Ibs. Troy.1 Besides, the king gave large elephants,
male and female slaves etc. Among the various objects which
we find dedicated to the god by a succession of pious kings
may be mentioned, diadem decorated with jewel, necklaces and
other ornaments, pitchers and other utensils of gold and silver,
variety of articles made of gold, silver and sandalwood, the
exact nature of which cannot be ascertained, male and female
servants, and other women including dancers and musicians,
fields, grain stores, oxen, buffaloes, and elephants, (cf. also
the lists of articles in Nos 23, 24, 29.).
It is thus absolutely clear that ^ambhubhadre^vara or
{3ri''anabhadresvara was regarded as the nation.il deity of
Champa from beginning to end, and most elaborate arrange-
ments compatible? with the wealth and resources of the kingdom
were made for his worship. There were apparently tha
system of 'Devada&is', — 'female dancers', who dedicated their
lives <o the service of the god — which forms so characteristic
a feature of Indian temples even to-day. The enormous wealth
of the temples of Champa would also remii d o le of tli3 tem-
ples of India, the wealth and grandeur of \\ hic'i have been so
vividly described by Sultan Afohmud and the writers of his
time.
In addition to the &iv&-lin<ja wh'ch attained the position
of the national deity there were many others though of less
importance. The most remarkable among these was a Mukha-
li hga of Sambhu in PoN igar. We learn from an inscrip-
tion of the 8th century A. D. (No. 22) that this Muklia-linga
was established by a king named Vicitrasagara Two inscrip-
tions (Nos, 29, 71) even profess to give the exact date of this
event. It was established, we are told, in the year 5911 of
1. According to the Measures of weight given by Maspero
(Toung Pao, 1910, p. 210).
184
THE WORSHIP OF SIVA
4he DvSpara Yuga, about 1, 780, 500 years ago. How this
date was arrived at, it is impossible to say, the main idea, no
doubt, being to refer it to a hoary antiquity. This linga was
destroyed in 774 A. D. by savags races coming by way of
sea, but king Satyavarman (see pp : 50 ff ) restored it and called
itSatyamukhaliriga. We find reference to this linya as Iat3
as the 12th century A D. but it n3ver acquired the status of a
national deity like 6ambhu-Bhadrowara or Sri£ana-Bhadre3-
vara.
The kings of Champa se3m to have regardod it as a pious
duty not only to maintain and endow the famous lingas of
olden times but also to establish n3w ones. In such casss the
almost universal practice was to associate his own name with
tha new image. Below is given a list of kings and the names
of gods established by them.
NAMES OF KINGS. NAMES OF GODS. NUMBER OF INS.
1. Bhadravarman
2. ^ambhuvarman
3 Indravarman.
Do.
4 Vikranta-Varman
Do.
Do.
5. JayasixLha-
varmadeva
Bhadre^vara.
!§ambhu-Bhadre3vara.
Indra-Bhadrosvara.
In.ira-Bhogesvara 1
Indra-ParameSvara. J
Vikranta-Rudra.
£rl Vikranta-Rudra^ vara.
6ri VikrantadevadhibhaveS-
vara.
Jay a Guhe^vara.
6. Bhadravarmadeva Praka'a-Bhadra^vara ~)
Bhadra-Malaye^vara |
Bha<lra-Champe$vara S-
Bhad ra- Maudale - vara j
Bhadra- Pure 'vara J
2
7
23
24
30
Do.
Do.
39
39
ANCIENT HISTORY OF CHAMPA 186
7. Indravarman. Indra-Kantefo. 44
8. Harivarman. Hari vanned vara. 74
9. Jaya Harivarman. Jaya-Harilmge3vara. 75
10. Jaya Indravar- Jaya-Indra-Loke£vara. 1
man. $rI-Jaya-Indre$vara V 81
£ri-Indra-GaurI6 van J
11. Indravarman Indravarman ^ivalingelvara. 108
12. Jayasimhavar- Jayasimhavarmalingegvara. f 112
made v a | 116
In addition to these instances where tha kings associated
their own names with the gods established by themselves, thegft
are other cases on record where kings and nobles associated
the names of their beloved relations with the gods founded by
them. Thus king Jayasimhavar madeva installed the goddess
Horoma for increasing the religious merit of his moth^r/a
younger sister, queen HaradevL The latter installed Indra*
Parame^vara for the sake of religious merit of her husband
Indravarman (No. 36.). She also installed Rudra-Parame6vara
and Rudroma for increasing the religious merit of her father
and mother. These names are also probably to be explained
in the same way, though nothing definite can be laid down as
we are ignorant of the names of her parents. The Ins. No. 38
records the consecration of a Uuga^ called Indradeva, in
honour of king Indravarman, by a dignitary of the realm.
Again, iSvaradeva, brother of a minister, installed the god
Isvaradsvadideva (No. 32). The Ins. No. 12 mentions two
gods Igane^vara and PrabhaseSvara, and it is extremely likely
that these two gods are associated with the kings named
l£anavarman, and Prabhasadharma referred to in that inscrip-
tion. There are similarly other cases, where the names of gods
are apparently derived from some kings, though ire-are tn»H»
either to identify the king or to decide whether the king Him-
self founded the image or somebody else installed it in his
186 WORSHIP OF SIVA
honour. Two conclusions however stand out prominently from
the above analysis. In the first place, the kings of Champa
vied with one another in installing images of Siva as it was
regarded pious to do so, and secondly, they identified or
associated themselves with the gods by adding their name to
that of the god, and also at times by making the image of
the god resemble their own.
The practice of associating the name of the king with
that of the god founded by him was certainly not unknown to
India. Thus the Chandella king Prthvldeva installed an
image of &va named PrthvIdaveSvara1. Two queens of the
Calukya king Vikrarnaditya II, named Lokamahadevi and
Trailokyamahadevi installed two images of $iva called ras-
pectively LokeSvara and Trailokyesvara.2 The RajataranginI
furnishes numerous examples from the history of Kashmir.
Thus we are told "that Sura founded the temple of Visnu
^uravarmasvamin. Two sons of a younger brother of Sura
called Dhira and Vinnapa built under their own names
temples
"Mahoday, who was the chief door-keeper of Sura, con-
secrated the (shrine of Visim) Mahoday asvamin
u The illustrious Prabhakaravarman, the king's minister,
built a temple of Visnu called Prabhakarasvamin."3
1. Ep. Ind., Vol. It p. 38.
2. Bom. Gaz. Vol. I, Part II, p. 190.
3. Rajatrangmi, Bk, V, vv. 23 ff.
CHAPTER IV.
Saiva Gods.
A numbsr of deities came to be associated with Siva.
The most prominent among them was of course the '£akti' of
Siva, known variously as Um& (Nos, 4, 22), Gauii (26), Bhaga-
vati (26, 80), MahabhagavatI (26), Devi (39) and MahadevI
(32). She was also called Matrlmgesvari (97) and Bhumisvarl
(50). She was the daughter of Himalaya and the incompara-
ble and loving spouse of Siva, worthy of being adored with
joy by that god (13).
The cult of Sakti worship seems to have been most pre-
valent in the southern region known as Kauthara. Here was
established the goddess Yapu Nagara or BhagavatI Kauthftre*-
varl, in the temple of Po-Nagara which b3cani3 a national
sanctuary of the Chams comparable to that of £ambhu-Bhadre-
£vara or Srlsanabhadresvara.
We learn from an inscription of king Harivarman (No. 26)
that 'an old image of BhagavatI in Kauthara, famous all over
the world, remained empty for a long time*. In other words
the image was carried away by savage trib3S or destroyed by
enemy troops, and the temple remained empty for a long time.
Tb-nin 817 A. D. king Harivarman made a new stone image
of the goddess, adorned with a variety of ornaments, and offe-
red-her gold, silver, jewels, clothbs of variegated colour and
other articles. He further dedicated to the goddess fields in
the Kauthara country together with male and female slaves,
buffaloes etc. Within half a century the stone image was
coated over with a plate of gold, and ornaments with costly
jewels were added to the head and ears of the image. (No. 29).
In the year 918 A. D. king Indravarman established a golden
image of the goddess (No. 45). This was unfortunately carried
away by the Cambodians sometime between 944 and 947 A. D.
188 SAIVA GODS
The war apparently taxed the resources of the king to the
utmost, for in 965 A. D. he replaced the golden image that
was lost by a stone one (No. 47). About a century later, in
1050 A. D. king Parame^varavarman made rich gifts to the
goddess, viz. vase inlaid with gold, a diadem, waistband, silver
vase, an umbrella decorated with peacock feathers, a vast silver
canopy and several golden pitchers and vasas (No. 55). In
1084. king Paramabodhisatva, together with his sister and
eldest son, gave to the goddess, among other things, elephants,
a golden crown, a necklacs decorated with jewels, and various
other ornaments and utensils of gold and silver (No. 64). In
1160 A. D., king Harivarman, after having triumphed over all
his enemies, both foreign and internal, 'first of all honoured
*&
the goddess called Yapu Nagara by giving her great riches'
(No. 76). Again, in 1167 A. D., king Jaya Iridravarinan VI,
together with his queens and daughters, made rich donations
toBhagavati Kautharegvarl (No. 80). In 1233 A. D. king Jaya
Parame^varavarman granted land and slaves to the goddess
Pu-Nagara. The slaves belonged to both the sexes and to
various nationalities such as the Khmer, Cham, Chinese and
Siamese (No. 88). Probably the image of the goddess was
destroyed soon after. For we learn from two inscriptions (Nos.
97-98) that princess Suryadevi, daughter of king Jaya Indra-
varmadeva gave a sum of money for making a statu3 of the-
goddess BhagavatI Kauthare^vari. She also gave various or-
naments of gold and silver to the goddess and prescribed regu-
lations for the dancing girls employed in the service of the
goddess (1256 A. D.\ Later kings of Champa also
continued the donations to the goddess (cf. Nos. 99, 105,
109).
The general conception of £akti is beautifully illustrated
by the long hymn with which the Ins. No. 55 begins. Her
ANCIENT HISTORY OF CHAMPA 189
power is conceived to be equal to that of god £iva. 'She is
in her very essence at one with whatever is in the world of
God during its creation as well as in its dissolution. She is
the primordial energy of the existent and the non-existent*.
Bufc, as we have seen above, these are exactly the attributes
of £iva himself. Hence the 6akti and ^iva are conceived as
essentially one and the same: 'Thou hast as body, half of that
which has moon as its diadem i.e. Mahadeva; thou art of
beautiful appearance and form part of the body of the lord of
embodied beings'.
Here we have evidently the conception of 'Ardhanari*.
Bergaigne concludes from it that the image of Bhagavati Kau-
thareSvarl, also named goddess Yapu Nagara, was that of an
Ardhanari i. e. an idol which represents &va and Durga in
the same body, prominence b3ing given to the female part
under Tantric ideas. This may or may not be true, for the
epithets in question might refer to the general conception of
Sakti and not to the particular image.
It is true that an image of Ardhandrl has been actually found
at Dong Phuc. The female side in this statue is emphasised by
the dress and developed breasts while the male part is indica-
ted by fine moustache. The identity of 'ardhanarl' is revealed
by the third eye on the forehead.1
But the image of the goddess of Po Nagar at Nha
Trang is of a quite different character. It is a beautiful statue
of black stone. The goddess, s?ated cross-legged, has develo-
ped breasts, and the folds on her bally indicate her maternity.
She has ten hands. Two of these are placed on the two knees
with palm upwards.2 The eight other hands behind the two
1. Farm. 1. C., Vol. II, pp. 413-14, Fig, 79, p. 312.
2. Parmentier thinks that these indicate the two Mudras of
daiia (gift) and abhaya (assurance). The published
190 SAIVA GODS
car#y dagger, lance, bow, arrow, elephant-goad, shield, discus
and conch-shell. The goddess, adorned with bracelets and
necklaces has a rather sombre expression. This statue of the
goddess has been supposed by Aymonier to be the one erected
by Jndravarman in 965 A. D. More likely it is the statue
erected by princess Suryadevi about 1256 A, D. (See ante).
Sometimes, in bas-relief, the goddess is represented as stand-
ing on Nandin. In a bas-relief at Myson the goddess is repre-
sented as dancing, holding different attributes in her tan
hands. These attributes are generally speaking the same as
those of $iva. Another bas-r&lief at Chien Dang represents
the goddess in a fighting attitude. She has six arms and holds
a bow and an arrow.
The number of images of Bhagavatl, so far discovered,
does not correspond to the importance which the inscriptions
attribute to that goddess. But in on3 respect the monuments
Corroborate the epigraphic records. I<i appears equally from
both that Uma or Bhagavatl was more regarded as a female
counterpart of Siva than as a separat3 goddess. She has got
the same attitudes, attributes and characteristics as tliQS3 of
Siva. She has a third eye on the forehead, a large number of
arms varying ' from four to ten, and even the same Vahana
viz. the Nandin. Only, unlike Siva, sho does not wear the
sacred thread which is peculiar to the male sex.
The second deity associated with the Siva-cult is Gane?a,
also called Vinayaka ( No. 26 ). We know from Ins. No. 26
that a separata temple was dedicated to that god at Po Na^ar.
He had, besides, two temples at Myson. Very often the imagQ
of Gane§a is found in other Saiva temples, sometimes along
with those of Bhagavatl and Kartikeya, his mother arid bro-
ther. The extant images of Gauesa at Champa are indeed so
figures, however, do not make this quite clear.
Farm. I. C. Vol. II p. 412. B. E, F., Vol. L p. 15, Fig. 1.
ANCIENT HISTORY OF CHAMPA 191
numerous that his cult seems to have been at one time even
more popular than that of Urna, his mother.
The god is usually represented as seated on a pedestal,
with a corpulent body and the head of an elephant. The
end of the trunk is usually put in a bowl which the god has
in his left hand, while his right hand holds a small object
which may b3 a lingo, or the missing tusk. In at least three
figures a garland is substituted for this object. The god
wears a sacred thread. Sometimes he has two of the attri-
butes of Si^a — a third eye on the forehead, and ornaments
of serpents.
There is only one figure, at Myson, in which the god is
representsd as standing. He has four arms, with one of which
he holds the bowl with the end of the trunk in it, while the
three others have a garland, a pen and a rosary. The figure
is richly attired, the dress on the lower part of his body being
covered by a tiger skin.
In the temples of Dong Duong and Myson the figures of
Gauesa appear in the decorations of tympanum. These resem-
ble the separate images of the god described above.1
The third $aiva deity, Karttika (No. 24), known also as
Kurnara (No. 9), seems to have enjoyed a great popularity
in Champa. He is referred to in four inscriptions (Nos. 9,
24, 36 and 39 ), from one of which we learn that an image of
the god was placed with those of Gaiie^a and Uma in a $aiva
temple. He is conceived as a great hero who repelled all
his enemiep ( No. 9 ), and this no doubt refers to the part he
played as commander-in-chief of the gods in their wars against
the Asuras. In the Ins. No. 36, £iva, here called Guhe6vara,
is said to have brought about peace, victory and happiness
to Kumara.
1. Cf. Farm. I. C Vol. II, pp. 415-417. Figs. 117-120. B. E. F.,
Vol. I. P. 17. fig. 2.
192 SAIVA GODS
Four or perhaps five images of the god have been disco-
vered so far.1 In two of these the god has his usual Vdhana
the pea-cock. In two others, however, the god rides on rhi-
noceros, a conception unknown in India though familiar in
Cambodge. In one instance the goJ is represented as stand-
ing on the peacock with the peacock's train at his back. In
other cases the god is represented as squatting on his Vdhana.
The Vajra and sword are his principal attributes. The hair
of his head is beautifully arranged in four parts, a fashion
peculiar to this god. Sometimes the god is adorned with
necklaces And bracelets. I a one instant only the god figures
in the tympanum of a temple in the train of ^iva.
Lastly, a word must be said about Nandin, the Vdhana
of Siva and Uma. Separate images of Nanlin are found in
large number in the vestibules of temples. The figure is that
of a recumbent humped bull, looking towards the goi in the
temple. Sometimes the pedestal of the image was richly
decorated and a number of bells was tied round the neck of
the bull in the form of a necklace.3
1. Cf. Farm. I. C. vol. II pp. 417-18. Figs. 121-122,
2. Farm. I. C. Vol. II, p. 419, Figs. 123, 136. B. E. F. Vol, I,
P. 17, Fig 3.
CHAPTER V.
Vaisnavism.
Although not so prominent as Saivism, Vaisuavism also
played an important part in Champa. The number of ins-
criptions which are distinctly Vaisnavite in character are in-
deed small (Nos. 11, 27, 121) but numerous incidental refe-
rences to the gods associated with that religion leave no doubt
of its strong hold in the country.
Visnu was known by various names, such as Purusottama
(11), Narayana (24), Hari (23), Govinda (39), Madhava (62),
Vikrama (23) and Tribhuvauakranta (121).
He was given high attributes: Visnu is the preceptor
of the whole world and without beginning or end (11). He
is revered by the gods, Asuras and irunis (No. 24). He is
valorous in battle (62) and protects the whole world (24).
Some mythological feats of Visnu are referred to. He
churned the ocean by means of the Mandara mountain (95)
and raised the world by his two han.ls (23). He defeated the
Asuras (24), Madhu and Kaitabha for example (24), and crush-
ed other enemies (23).
But as in India, the incarnations of Visnu probably clai-
med greater homage than the god himself. Two of these,
Rama and Krsna, are again and again referred to. Visnu is
said to have divided his essence under the form of four
Ramas Viz. Rama and his three younger brothers (No. 74),
and we have already s^en how the events of Kamayaua were
localised in Champa (p. 13). Prominence is given to the
heroic feats performed by Visnu in his incarnation as Krsna.
He held aloft mount Govardhana, and destroyed Kamsa, Kegi,
Cftnura, Arista and Pralamba.1 Again, the Cupid is referred
1 According to the Visnu Purana, Pralamba was killed by
Balarama at the command of Krsna (Part V, Section IX).
194 VAISNAVISM
to as the son of Visnu (No. 74), apparently in the incarnation
of Krsna, for, according to the Furanas, Kama is the son of
Krsna and Rohim.
Kings of Champa took delight in comparing themselves
to Visnu, and sometimes even regarded themselves as his incar-
nation. Thus J&ya, Rudravarman was regarded as incarna-
tion of Visnu (75) and his son, king Sri Jaya Harivarmadeva,
Sivanandana regarded himself as a unique Visnu whose glories
surpassed those of Rama and Krsna, firmly established in all
directions (74).
The concrete conception of Visnu is that of a god with
four arms. His Vdhana is Garuda, but he sometimes lies
down on the fathomless bed of the ocean of milk, served by
Vasuki, the serpent king, with infinite hood.
The epigraphic record is in this respect fully corroborated
by the actual images of Visnu discovered at Champa. The one
erf cted by prince Nauk Glauh Vijaya (No. 121) and found at
Bien Hoa1 is seated cross-legged in Indian fashion and richly
decorated. He has four arms. Two of them hold two clubs,
while the other two hold a discus and a conchshell. He
wears a sacred thread, a unique feature as it is absent
from the other images of Visnu in Champa, about 7 or 8 in
number, which have so far been discovered. The chief attri-
butes in the hands of these images, other than those nontioned
above, are lotus, sceptre, and military weapons such as sword,
clul), axe and bow. In very rare cases Visnu has only two
hands, but he has generally four, and never more than that.
He is usually represented as seated.
In some decorative panels Visnu is represented as riding
on Garuda or seated cross-legged on its back.8 There are also
1. For the imaffe tee Farm. 1. C. Vol, I, p, 554, fiig. i:7
and B. E. F. Vol. I. P. 19. fig, 4.
2. Farm I. C. Vol II, p. 422 fig 124.
ANCIENT HISTORY OF CHAMPA 195
images of the Anantaffayana of Visnu. The god is lying at ease
on the coils of serpent Vasuki, whose seven hoods guard his
head. From the navel of the god rises a lotus on the petals of
which is seated Brahma in an attitude of meditation. That
the scene is laid on the bed of the ocean is indicated by wavy
lines with fishes.1
We find also an image of Krsna in the act of protecting
the cows and cowherds by holding aloft the mountain Govar-
dliana over their hoads.1
Laksiul: — Laksmi the £akti of Visnu, also referred to as
Padma and Sri, was a well-known goddess of Champa. She is
frequently referred to in inscriptions (Noa. 12, 21, 43), and
emphasis is laid on her proverbial inconstancy (No, 43). She
i the ideal housewife (No. 43) and faithfully follows Visnu
(tfo. 12). The favourite Indian convention of regarding
likrimi as the symbol of sovereignty was also not unknown
(Jo. 12). She is said to have been born in the Kailasa
umintain (No. 21), though the Indian tradition regards her
as arising from the ocean of milk on the occasion of the churn-
ing of the ocean.3
The Ins. No. 21 gives the long history of an image of
Lal-smI, originally installed by King Sambhuvarman, and
re- lustalbd by king Vikrfintavarman in 731 A. D. The altar
of this goddess, we are told, was made of gold and silver.
Three images of Laksmi have been so far discovered.4
But the goddess figures largely in the decorative panelo. A
1. Jbid-p. 42.3, fig. H'5.
2. Farm. I. C. Vol. I, p. 259, fig. 48
3. ct\ Visnupurana Bk. 1 Chap. VIII ff. But the Indian
tradition also seems to have boon known in Champa, cf.
e g, li. G-7 of In§. No. 22
4. Farm. I. C. Vol. II pp. 421-2?, For another figure doubt-
fully identified with Lulcsmi cf. B E. F. Vol. I p. 20. fig.6
196 VAISNAVISM
tympanum at Dong Duong represents the goddess with two
hands as seated between two elephants, who are pouring water
upon her head from a vase held aloft by their upraised trunks.
In another tympanum the goddess is represented as seated on
a coil of serpents, the thirteen heads of which surround her
on all sides. She has four arms ; three of them carry conch,
discus and a club, while the fourth points to something by the
extended fore-finger. The goddess is frequently represented
as having only two arms, and holding stems of lotus plant.1
Garuda. Like Nandin, the Vahana of &va, Garuda, the
Vahana of Visnu, was also a familiar object in Champa. It
not only figures in connection with Visnu as its Vahana, but a
large number of separate images of it occur in decorative
panels in various parts of temples.
According to Hindu legends, Garuda is the king of birdf
and the great enemy of snakes. He is represented in Champ*
with the head of a bird, but with the rest of the body verf
often like that of a lion. He has beak, tails and wings of ft
bird; as a king he is crowned with mulcuia and richly decom-
ted with jewels ; and being divine in nature he wears the
sacred thread. Sometimes Garuda is represented as if on foe
point of taking his flight, and his legs are in different plares.
Sometimes the legs are in the same plane and hold a number of
snakes. The snakes are often represented as forming a cais
for Garuda, and are treated more as companions of the latter
than his victims.
The head of the Garuda is not always a faithful reproduc-
tion of that of a bird. Sometimes it looks like that of a mon-
key, and sometimes it is almost human. Sometimes Garuda is
represented with the head of amonbter crushing a large number
of snakes with his teeth.2
1. Farm. I. 0. Vol. II pp, 421-427, figs 127, 128. B. E. F. vol.
1 pp. 18-20, fijrs. f>, (j.
2. Farm. I. C. V«l. II pp. 202 (f, n. 7), 273 ff 5 4 5. Fig, 02. B.
E. F. vol. I p 20.
CHAPTER VI.
Brahma and the Hindu Trinity.
Brahma, the third god of the Hindu Trinity, is referred
to as creator in several inscriptions (No. 12, v. 24; No. 62, v. 3),
but does not seem to have held a very prominent position in
Champa. He is also called Caturanana, having four faces (No.
12), and in several inscriptions of the 13th century A. D. he is
referred to as Svayamutpanna or self-created (Nos. 89, 91, 92,
96, 106). In Ins. No. 21 he is said to have made the golden peak
of mount Meru. King Jaya ParameSvaravarman installed an
image of Svayamutpanna at Phanrang in 1233 A. D. (No. 89)
and rich endowments were made to the god by the king himself
(Nos. 89, 91, 92), his heir apparent Nandabhadra (No. 92),
his Commander-in-Chief Abhimanyudeva (No. 96)
and by king Indravarman (No. 106). The evidence of
iconography is in full accord with that of epigraphic records
in respect of the inferior position of Brahma. Only two small
images of Brahma have heen discovered in Myson. These
were originally placed in temples A and B as secondary gods.
Brahma also figures in bas-relief decorations of temples, but,
mostly as a subsidiary god.
The characteristic features of the image of Brahma are
his four faces — of course only three being visible in most
cases— and his Vdhana, the goose. His common attributes are
rosary and lotus — stems. In a bas-relief in theTouranne Muse-
um he is represented as standing, with four heads and eight
arms holding a sceptre in one of them.
Tho scene figuring the birth of Brahm& has been referred
to in connection with Visuu. Here Brahma wears a sacred
thread, and holds a discus andalon^-nocksdbottbin his hands.
198 BRAHMA AND THE HINDU TRINITY
Brahma is usually seated on lotus though in one case the ser-
pents form his bed.
The real importance of Brahma lies in the fact that he is
regarded as a member of the Trinity. We meet with the con-
ception of the Trinity of Hindu gods in one of the earliest
records of Champa. The Myson Ins. of Bhadravarman dating
from 5fch century A. D. begins with a reverence to Uma and
MaheSvara, as well as to Brahma and Visnu. This decided
leaning towards 5iva is further developed in Ina. No. 39.
Here Siva is represented as the supreme god, and the two
others pay homage to him ; finally the three gods stand
together, $iva in the middle with Brahma on the right and
Hari on the left.
The same idea is conveyed by iconographic representa-
tions on decorative panels. The Tympanum at Trach Pho1
has a Mukhalinga in the middle with Brahmfi seated on a
serpent to the proper right, and Visnu, seated on a boar, to
the proper left. Both these gods are turned towards biva
with joined hands, and two attributes of Visnu viz. a discus
and a club are shown in the background. In the tympanum
at U'u Diem,2 Siva and Uma riding on a single bull occupy
the centre; Brahma and Visnu, With joined hands, and S3ated
respectively on a lotus and a Garuda, are in the upper right and
upper left corners, while two other figures, an armed soldier
and Karttika (?), occupy positions just below these figures.
At Thuy Trieu, however, Visnu occupies the central position
with Brahma on the left and iSiva on the right. Siva rides on
aboir, and both the godn have their hands joined in an attitude
of prayer.
Thus Visuu and £iva were both claimed to be the chief
3. Parni, I. C. Vol. II, p. 411. fig. 115.
2. Ibid Vol. I. p. 518 fig 120.
ANCIENT HISTORY OF CHAMPA 199
of the Trinity by their respective followers.1 An attempt at
compromise resulted in th3 conception of a new god Saiikara-
Narayana. Here the two gods are placed on the same level in
theory, and this is expressed by a concrete image, half of which
is &va, and half Visnu. Such an image is clearly referred to
in Ins. No. 24;2 but unfortunately no actual remains of such a
figure have yet been discovered.
The idea of association of the clvef gods also probably
led to tho practice of decorating the temple, dedicated to ona
god, with figures of the other group. Thus the tempJe of
Phong Ls dedicated to Siva has its front decorated with
images of Visnu. Similarly figures of Laksmi and Brahma
appear on the tympanums of ^aiva temples. The principal
tympanum in a temple, however, usually figures the god or
gods to whom the temple is dedicated, though a ^aiva temple
in Myson has the scene of the birth of Brahma, and a temple
at Phanrang, dedicated to Brahma, shows the Trinity with
Visnu as the chief god.
1 M. Parmentier observes as follows: — A close study of the
evidences furnished by epigraphy and iconography seems to
indicate that from the 12th century A. D. a silent religious
revolution in favour of Vaisnavism was taking place in
Ohampa. The references to Vaisnav/i cult or Vaisnava tem-
ples before this period are few and far between. But from
this period onwards we find, an increasing number of them.
Again, whereas the figures of Visnu and Laksmi hold but a
minor place in the decoration of temples of the earlier period
they gradually occupy an increasingly preponderant pohition
in the later period. Lastly Siva is clearly subordinated to
Visnu in the image of the Trinity under discussion.
M. Parmentier thinks that the position of Siva as the sup-
reme god was lowered in the eyes of the Cham s on account of
the constant reverses sustained by them in the hands of the
Annamites and other enemies. They naturally discarded
Siva who was unable to afford them the necessary protec-
tion, and turned to other gods in the hope that they might
succeed where Siva had failed. This might also account for
the rise of Brahma into importance at the cost of Siva
(Parm I. C. vol, 11. pp. 432-433)
2 The god "Srisana Visnu", mentioned in No. 71, may al»o,
refer to such an image,
CHAPTER VII.
The minor deities of the Hindu pantheon.
Although the great gods of the Hindu Trinity, viz. Brahma,
Visim and feJiva almost monopolised the homage and worship
of the people, the lesser gods of the Hindu pantheon were not
altogether forgotten. Thus the Ins. No. 24 begins with "a
reverence to all the gods", and the Ins. No. 31 frankly recogni-
ses their importance in the following words: —
"In some places Indra, Brahma and Visnu, in some places
Vasuki, in some places Saiikara, in some places ascetics, Sun,
Moon, Agni, Varuna, and in some places image of Abhayada
(Buddha) appeared for the deliverance of creatures. '
While the list of gods in the above passage is by no means
exhaustive, it is worthy of note that deities like Indra, Vasuki,
Sun, Moon, Agni and Varuna are placed on the same level
as the great gods, and regarded as deliverer of human beings.
It shows that side by side with the pompous worship of biva and
Visnu there were popular cults of various gods and goddesses.
This view is corroboratsd by the opening lines of Myson
Ins. (No. 4) of Bhadravarman. The inscription begins with
"reverence to Uma, Mahesvara, Brahma and Visnu", and this
is immediately followed by * 'reverence to the Earth, Wind,
Sky, Water and Fire" i.e. the five elements of nature. Appa-
rently these were regarded as divine in nature. Ins. No. 17
refers to these five together with Sun, Moon and Sacriticer as
the eight forms of Siva.
The epigraphic records introduce us to a number of these
gods. A short account of them is given below.
1. Indra.
Indra is referred to in a large number of inscriptions
(Noa. 12, 16, 17, 22, 23, 24, 42, 62, etc.).
ANCIENT HISTORY OF CHAMPA 201
He is referred to as the chief or king of the gods (No. 16)
who killed Vrtra (17) and other Asuras (24), and worked the
miracle of creating the three worlds (17). Ho is said to have
performed severe austerities and a large number of great
sacrifices (Yajna) in previous births. Having gained the king-
dom of heaven by virtue thereof (23), he protected it according
to rules of Dharma (31). His son is also extolled for the pro-
wess of his unconquered arms. The popularity of the god is
indicated both by the lar^e number of referencas in Inscrip-
tions as well as by the fact that no less than twelve kings
assumed the name Indravarman. Many kings of Champa
are also referred to as Indra personified ( No. 30 ) or Indra
fallen from heaven to earth in order to rula over the country.
Two images of Indra have so far t>9on discovered in
Champa, one at Tra Kieu and the other at Myson. These are
two small human figures and only identified with Indra by
the figure of elephant, the Vdhana of Indra, before the
pedestal. In one of them Indra has probably the Vajra
( thunderbolt ) in his hand 1
2. Yama.
Yarna, the god of death, is conceived as a terrible figure,
but he faithfully maintains the law in his kingdom ( Nos.
22-24 ). He is referred to as Dharma ( No. 12 ) and Dhar-
maraja ( 24 )
3. Candra.
Candra is referred to as god and the victim of Rahu
( Nos. 23, 74).
4. Kurya.
Th<3 Sun-god is often coupled with the Moon. They both
form part of the grand assembly of gods described in Ins. No.
42. Two small images of Surya have been discovered at
1. Parrn. I. C. Vol. II p, 430
202 MINOR DEITIES OF THE HINDU PANTHEON
Myaon. They are identified by means of the figure of horse,
the Vdhana of Surya. The god holds the nword in his hands.1
5. Kuvera
Kuvera is described as a friend of Mahesvara and a mine
of wealth ( No, 12 ). He is also called Dhanada and is
praised for his liberality ( No. 23 ). He is called "Ekaksa
pingala", apparently in allusion to a story described fully in
the Ramayaua ( Uttarakanda ch. XIII ). A temple of Kuvera
was erected in the seventh century A. D. by king PrakaSad-
harma ( No. 14 ). This god was worshipped by the people for
increasing the wealth and guarding against evils ( No, 14 ).
The god referred to as ArtheSvara in No. 92 may be the same
as Kuvera. Yaksas, th3 mythical attendants of Kuvera, are
also frequently mentioned ( No. 23, 31 etc, ).
6-7. Agni and Vasuki are mentioned in the passage quoted
above in Ins. No. 31.
8. SarasvatI is mentioned in Ins. No. 12 v. 26; but
whether she is conceived as a goddess or merely regarded as a
symbolical expression for knowledge and learning cannot be
determined.
9. A god called Vanantare 3 vara seems to have been wor-
shipped in the later period, but its identity is at present un-
known ( Nos. 129, 130 ).
10-11. Two gods Mandara and Pranave^vara are referred
to in No. 28 but their identity is unknown.
In addition to these gods, there were other beings of the
nature of demi-gods who arj frequently referred to in the in-
scriptions of Champa. Chief among these are the divine sag^s
( Rsis ) ( Nos. 23, 46 etc. ) who are placed on the same level as
the gods in the passage quor.ed above from Ins. No. 31.
Among them Brhaspati, the preceptor of the gods, and
.1. Piirm. I. <J. vol. II, p 430
ANCIENT HISTORY OF CHAMPA 203
KjMyapa, the preceptor of the gode and demons ( 23 ), are men-
tioned by name. The former is extolled for his eloquence
( No, 74 ) and knowledge of £astras ( No. 82 ).
Next to the divine sages mention may be made of the
Siddhas ( Nos. 24, 35, 46 ), Vidyadharas ( 23 ), Caranas ( 24 ),
Yaksas (23, 31), Kinnaras ( 24 ), Gandharvas and Apsaras or
celestial nymphs (24, 40 ).
A number of evil spirits also figure prominently in the
mythical conceptions of the people. Prominent among them
are the Daityas and Asuras who are the eternal enemies of the
gods in heaven ( Nos. 12, 22, 31, 42, 46 etc. ). There were also
the Uragas ( 23 ), Raknasas ( 23 ), Pittas ( 22 ) and Pi^acas
( 42 ).
Images of Apsaras are found in decorative panels. They
wear rich mvJcutas and are represented as flying figures with
lotus stem in their hands.1
The Raksas are represented by demoniacal figures, with
clinched teeth and a multiplicity of heads and arms.3
Figur3s of Nagls ara also to be seen in the decorative
panels. They resemble the Indian figures, having the body of
a S3rpent with a female bust.3
In order to complete the sketch of religion in Champa wo
must briefly allude to certain general conceptions.
In the first place, the abstract conception of a supreme God
was not altogether superseded by the images of Siva, Vismi etc.
We find reference to Him in Inscription No. 12. He is referred
to as the Creator whose ways are incomprehensible to men.
Secondty, emphasis is laid upon the performance of sacrifi-
ces. Merits of sacrifices are extolled again and again ( 12,
23 ). Sacrifices are regarded as the principal treasure of good
1. Farm. I. C. Vol. II. p. 431.
2. Ibid
3. Ibid.
204 MINOE DEITIES OF THE HINDU PANTHEON
men ( 23 ), and they beget not only material prosperity but
also eupernatural powers ( 12 ). The actual sacrifices before a
kindled fire are referred to in Ins. Nos. 2 and 3. In the latter
case we have probably an instance of human sacrifice. That
this was not unknown in Champa is proved by the fact that
king Fan Wen, after having defeated the Chinese governor of
Nhut Nam, offered his body in an expiatory sacrifice ( see p.
24 ). ASvamedha sacrific3 is raf erred to in Ins. No. 12 but
we do not know of any instance of ifcs actual performance.
The pessimistic current of Indian thought seems to have
made a deep impression upon the Chams. Again and again
we read in the inscriptions how the kings and nobles, 'recognis-
ing the unsubstantial nature of wealth and worldly gain1 and
thinking that this body is as impermanent as the foam float-
ing on waters/ performed "meritorious works", to atone for all
evil deeds as well as for the sake of salvation, or, as is often
expressed in a more concret3 form, for gaining th9 hoaven of
&va. These meritorious works took various shapos. It might
be the installation of gods or perpetual endowments to reli-
gious institutions, for "gifts made to gods are a mode of
purification" ( 59 ). But sometimes we hear not only of the
worship of &va, but also of Dkydna ( meditation ) Yoya
( spiritual exarcisos ) and samicZAi ( concentration ) (Nos. 46,
62, 65 ). Sometimes kings abdicated their throne in order to
pass the remaining days of their life in these religious practices.
( No. 62 ). Pilgrimage was also regarded as a meritorious
work and an old king abdicated the throne and went over to
India to enjoy the bliss of spending his days on the banks of
the Ganges (No. 12).
The Myson Ina. No. 59 claims the highest results from
these pious practice. Th-> author of this inscription, "knowing
1. Cf. Ins. 43 Co) v. 13
ANCIENT HISTORY OF CHAMPA 205
that the body and its pleasures are vain and transient", instal-
led lingas and made gifts to the gods "who were present in
their symbols." He embellished and enriched SrisanabhadreSvara
and increased the riches and the land of the god. The thought of
Is varadevata, otherwise known as YogI3 vara, was always present
in his mind. By the force of effort and concentration of mind
he at last saw Isvaradevata, who became entirely visible
( pratyakm ) to him (No. 59 ). This may ba taken as a sketch
of the ideal of religious life in Champa.
A characteristic feature of the religious development in
Champa is the spirit of toleration that marked it from beginning
to end. Although sectarianism prevailed, and two or three
prsdominant Brahmanical sacts flourished side by side with
Buddhism, we hear of no animosity in the field of religion.
On the other hand, we find a liberal and catholic spirit pay-
ing reverence to all religious sects. This is proved by the
passage in Ins. No. 31 quoted above on p. 200. The kings, too,
often practically demonstrated their eclecticism. Thus king
Praka^adharma installed 5iva lingas ( Nos. 10, 12 ) and at th^
saire time erected a temple of Visnu ( No. 11 ). King Indra-
varman, too, shows equal zeal towards Saivism and Buddhism
( No. 31 ). Such instances can be multiplied to almost any
extent. The people, too, followed the example of the kings ( 28).
In this respect the Indian colonists maintained the best tradi-
tions of their motherland.
This brief sketch of the religious life may be concluded by
a short account of some striking popular beliefs and supersti-
tions.
The Indian theory of transmigration and "Karmaphala"
( effects of deeds done in one life passing to the next) seems to
have been the basis of religious life ( No. 4 ). Thus king
Praka'adharma established a god "with a view to destroy
the seeds ( of Karina ) which have the power of leading to
206 MINOR DEITIES OP THE HINDU PANTHEON
births in quick succession" ( No. 12 ). King Jay* Indravarman
believed that "he became king of Champa by virtue of peculiar
merits accruing from austerities of many previous births" (No.
31 ). The very interesting fact that several kings believed
themselves to be inacrnations of Uroja, who was bora four times
in this earth, have been already referred to. King Satyavar-
man was also regarded as an incarnation of Vicitrasagara (29)
We find also a belief in the influence of ttars and planets
and their power of guiding the destinies of man. Thus king
Jaya Indravarman's glory and wisdom is said to be due to the
protection of Mercury, Mars, Jupiter, the Moon, the Sun, Venus
and Saturn ( No. 31 ).
The belief in heaven and hell of course played a predo-
minant part. In general, heaven is looked upon as the abode of
gods and abounds in pleasures of all kinds. Hell is on th-3
other hand the place for sorrows and torments of all kinds. We
hear of heaven associated with a particular god, such as Rudra-
loka, Isvaraloka (24) Buddhapada (31. c. 8. ). On the
other hand, hells, too, were many in numb3r. The conventional
number of hells is given as eight ( 31 ). In particular re fere nee
is made to Raudra, Maharaurava ( 31 ) and Avici ( 33 ).
The question of heaven and hell is frequently raised in
connection with perpetual endowments. Imprecations in right
Indian fashion are added at the end of inscriptions containing
record of perpetual endowments. Any one maintaining these is
promised salvation, heaven, or nirvana along with his friends
and relations, while those who destroy them are threatened with
the direst consequences, such as living in hell for aeons with
their relations and ancestors. In one case it is threatened
that even the mother of the man, who destroys the goods of
temples, would be haunted by multitude of dogs ( 32 ).
Lastly, there was the belief in the Yugas. Three
of them are mentioned by name viz. Krta, Dvapara
ANCIENT HISTORY OF CHAMPA 207
and Kali. The Krta age is the ideal or golden age
( 74 ), as in India, when Dharma prevailed in its entirety
( 12 ). The Dvapara which immediately preceded Kali, is
brought within historical range by the mention of king
Vicitrasagara who is said to have flourished in that age ( 29 ).
The Chains even professed to know the exact date when
Dvapara Yuga began. For we are told that in the year
5911 of the Dvapara Yuga king Vicitrasagara established a
JMukhalinga in Kauthara ( No. 29 ). Again the same event is
placed 1, 780, 500 years before 1065 Saka (No. 71). Thus the
Dvapara Yuga commenced in 1, 785, 268 B. C. It would b&
interesting to know the basis on which this calculation was
made.
The Kali Yuga is, of course, full of evils (Nos. 26, 29). It
always tries to "lead people to error and pride" ( No.65 ) and
kings have always to be on their guard in order to withstand
its evil effects. It is antagonistic to the prosperity of kings
( 35, 62, 74 ) who are consequently obliged to wage an eternal
war against it. The only way of fighting it is to follow the
path of virtue and righteousness. This is beautifully expres-
sed in the following passage.
1 I have nothing to expect from a king who, free from
passion, dutifully protects his subjects like his own sons '-with
this melancholy reflection, Kali, chased by the splendour of tha
king, sadly moved away, nobody knows where, even as the
army of darkness flies bafore the Sun leaving its unbearable
rays behind." ( No. 12, v, 8 )
CHAPTER VIII.
Buddhism.
Buddhism had also a fairly strong hold on the peonle of
Champa. At least eight inscriptions specifically refer to that
religion (Nos. 28, 31, 37, 43, 93, 103, 123, 126.) and interest-
ing information about it is supplied by them.
Buddha is known by various names such as Jina ( 28 ),
Lokanatha ( 37 ), Loke3 vara ( 31 ), Sugata ( 37 ), Damaresvara
(123), Svabhayada (31), Abhayada (31), 3akyamuni, Ami-
tabha, Vajrapani, Vairocana (37 ), Saddharrna1 (/) (69, 71), and
PramuditalokeSvara ( 37 ).
Buddha is regarded as born from a succession of Buddhas
(31 ). He is omnipresent in this world ( 37 ) and his essential
characteristics are conceived to b? kindnsss and an anxiety to
deliver all creatures from misery. "The essence of his soul is
pity and his intelligent is wide awake in saving creatures.
He is always full of kindness and his patience is incomparable.
Men overpowered by sorrows and the dwellers in hell long to
see him day and night; as thirsty mon, overpowered by sun's
heat long for cool water in summer, so th^y, suffering from
many sorrows, wish to have a view of Buddha" ( 31 ).
Utmost emphasis is laid upon th° doctrines of Karrna and
transmigration as propounded by Buddha.. Deeds done in
this life must have their effect, and evil deeds lead people to the
clutches of Mara, the Buddhist Satan. The Buddha alone can
grant salvation and rebase people from tho terrible hosts of
Mara in hell. These ideas are beautifully expressed in the
two following verses, the first of which is unfortunately
mutilated.
1 Saddharma really means Buddhism, but it seems to bo used
also for Buddha.
ANCIENT HISTORY OF CHAMPA 209
"Hail ! constant reverence to that merciful one
Those whose happiness was over, and who were being
struck by iron rods... got the highest salvation by thinking oi
Loke£vara.
"Sinful men attached to their works in former lives, and
without any hope of deliverance, were eternally surrounded
by the terrible hosts of Mara, and overpowered by hunger and
thirst on account of their want of liberality and aversion to
Sugata (i. e Buddha) in former times. But being rescued by
Vajrapfini from the hell, they secured the way to salvation
pointed out by the Buddha". (No. 37, vv, 1-2)
This salvation is defined as the "attainment of the
Buddhist Nirvana to which there is no parallel" (No. 31). It
is also evident from the Dong Duong Ins. (No.31,c-8) that there
was a popular conception of a Buddhist heaven, where vir-
tuous people might enjoy pleasures along with their ser-
vants.
Buddhism seems to have obtained a great deal of royal
favour, and statues and temples of Buddha were erected by
kings and people alike. There was also a powerful com-
munity of Buddhist monks and we hear of erection of monas-
teries in different parts of the kingdom.
We learn from the inscription of Sthavira Buddhanir-
vana dated 829 A. D. (No 28), that his father erected a Bud-
dhist temple and a Buddhist monastery and granted lands to
the latter, apparently for defraying the expenses of the monks
living therein. The famous Dong Duong Ins. (No. 31) informs
us that king £ri Jaya Indravarinan,also known as "L^ksmln-
dra, Gramasvaml, installed an image of "Loke£vara", called
after him "Laksrnlndra-Loke^vara, in 875 A. D. He also
founded a monastery for the perpetual enjoyment of the
Bhiksu-samgha or the community of monks, and placed
therein all the necessaries of life. Ho also endowed the
210 BUDDHISM
monastery with a large number of fields. He did all these
for the sake of Dharrna, for the propagation of Buddhism
and not for his own enjoyment or increment of royal reve-
nues. Usual benedictions and imprecations for those who
maintain or destroy the gifts are added at the end. Indra-
varman, who was thus a devoted follower of Buddhism, got
the posthumous titla of Parama-Buddhaloka fNo. 36), The
An-Thai Ins. (No. 37) dated 902 A, D. records the erection
of temples and monasteries by kings Bhadravarman and In-
dravarman, apparently at the request of, and out of respect
for a monk called Nagapuspa. Again, the Nhan-Bieu Ins.
(No. 43), dated 911 A. D., records that a dignitary of Champa
erected a temple of Avalokitesvara and a monastery, called
Vrddhaloke^vara, apparently after his grandmother, princess
Lyan Vrddhakula.
Referring to the condition of Buddhism in Lin-i or
Champa, I-tsing remarks that "the Buddhists generally be-
long to the Aryasammiti-uikaya and there are also a few
followers of the Sarvastivadanikaya '. This would mean the
prevalence of Hlnayana sects.1 r$ut, according to the
inscriptions, the later Mahayftna form of Buddhism was most
predominant in Champa. This clearly fallows from the reference
to AvalokiteSvara, Amitabha etc. as well as from the concep-
tions of Vajradhatu, Padrnadhatu and Cakradhatu (No. 37).
Hence it is that a large number of Buddhist goJs and god-
desses received the homage of the people. Some of these
divinities are named in Kim Choua Ins. (No. 93) viz £rl
Jina Parame-vara, £>rl JinalokeSvara, £rl SaugatadeveSvara
£rl Jina VrddheSvarl and £>rl Jinadevadevi
It is a notable fact that sanctuaries of £iva and Buddha
and monasteries of these two sects were often erected side by
side by the same donor (cf. Nos. 28, 31, 43). The reciprocal
1. I-tsing by Takaknsu p, 12.
ANCIENT HISTORY OF CHAMPA 211
influence of theae two religious sects is also indicated by the
fact that Buddha was called Damarelvara (No. 123), the lord
of Damaras or bhutaa, an epithet originally belonging to
^iva. It is also a note-worthy fact that figures of Siva
decorated the famous Buddhist temples of Dong Duong.1
It may be observed in conclusion that the famous Bud-
dhist formula "ye dharmah hetupra.bhav&h" etc. is also found
in Champa (No. 126).
The archaeological remains have corroborated the evi-
dence of inscriptions in regard to the importance of Bud-
dhism. The Dong Duong Ins. of Iridravarman Parama-Bud-
dhaloka refers, as we have seen above, to the erection of a^
Buddhist temple and a monastery Now, the excavations
at that place have unearthed the remains of a Buddhist temple,
far greater in dimensions than the largeHt Brahmauical
temple in Champa. Several images of Buddha have also
been discovered amid the ruins. On the whole Dong Duong
appears to have been an important stronghold of Buddhism.
An image of Buddha found at Dong Duong is nearly 5
ft. in height. It is seated in European fashion with the
hands on the knees and has U riia and Usiusa. The god is
seated on a large pedestal and around him are a series of
figures paying homage to him. A fine standing image of
Buddha in bronze has also been found at Dong Duong. It
is regarded as the most artistic representation of Bud dim so
far discovered in Champa.
There is a peculiar Buddha figure at Trung Tin. Bud-
dha is seated cross-legged on the body of a serpent, which
has been arranged in the form of a rectangular pillar, and is
protected by its seven hoods. Sometimes, as at JChau Tho
Dong, Buddha figures are seated between two atupcks. A
1. Farm I. C. II. p. 134,
212 BUDDHISM
terracotta figure discovered at Phuoc Tinh also represents
Buddha as protected by a Naga and seated between two
stupaa.
A number of small but interesting terracotta seals con-
taining Buddhist figures have been discovered in the cave of
Phong-nha in Quang-Binh. They represent (1) a dagaba,
(2-3) two images, probably of AvalokiteSvara and (4) a female
deity, probably Tara, and (5-6) two Buddha figures, one in
Bhumisparsa and the other in Dharmacakrapra vartana-mudra.
It appears that the cave was a sanctua ry of the Mahayftna
Buddhists who frequented it in large numbers and purchased
these seals probably to preserve them as amulets.
The influence of the Mahayana form of Buddhism is fur-
ther indicated by a bronze statue of Bodhisattva found in
the neighbourhood of BinhDinh. The god is seated cross-legged
on the coils of a Naga, and his head is protected by its seven
hoods. He is decorated by a rich headdress, rich ornaments
hanging from the ear, necklaces and bracelets. His dress is
transparent like that of the Buddhist figures of the Gupta period,
and not marked by waving lines as we find in the Gandhara
images and in the Buddha figure described above. It passes
tinder his right armpit and covers the left shoulder. The
soles of his feet are marked by cakra or the figure of a wheel.
The two hands rest on the lap, while the palm of his right
hand, placed on that of the left, shows the sign of a lotus
flower.
There is also a standing image of Bodhiaattva in stone,
found at Phuoc Tinh. Two other figures discovered at Binh
Dinh have been doubtfully identified as Buddha or' Bodhi-
sattva 1
1. Parrn 1. C. Vol. 11, pp. 433 ff. B. E. P. Vol. I, pp. 22 fl
Figt. 7.12.
ANCIENT HISTORY OF CHAMPA 213
The evidence of inscriptions and sculptures thus leads
to the conclusion that although not so predominant as
^aivism, Mahayana form of Buddhism had a great hold on
the country.
King Sri Jaya Indravarmndeva VII was evidently a great
patron of this sect. We are told that he was learned in the
doctrines of Mahftyana and m«talled several Mahayana dei-
ties (No. 81)
It is rather remarkable that remains of stupas, a struc-
ture almost invariably assoc ated with Buddhism, are almost
conspicuous by absence. Bat the existence of stupaa in
Champa in ancient times is oroved by references in Chinese
books.1 It may be safely held that the ruins of these
structures proved useful quarries in later times, as in India,
and the stupas nearly vanished from the surface of the
earth.
1. T'ounc Pao— 1910, p. 497.
CHAPTER IX.
Society.
The Indian colonists in Champa tried to build up a
society of the orthodox Hindu type, but it bad to be modi-
fied in some essential aspects by the pre-existing traditions,
manners and customs.
The people were theoretically divided into four castes,
Brahmana, Ksatriya, Vaisya and ^udra.1 Bat this division
hardly existed in practical life except with regard to Brah-
manas and Ksatriyas. The terms Vaisya and budra are only
referred to in a solitary inscription, whereus references to
Brahmaua and Ksatriya are numerous. Even when a gene-
ral enumeration of castes is intended, the terms Vai?ya and
6udra are conspicuous by their absence. Thus we read in
the imprecatory verses: "Those who take away those goods-
Ksatriyas, Kings or Brahmauas — fall every day into thd
doleful hell along with their father and mother/' Again:
"Those kings, Ksatriyas, Brahinanas, ministers... merchants
who take away or destroy these etc. "*
It is evident, therefore, that the fourfold division of so-
ciety in accordance with the injunction of the Hindu Sastras
was merely theoretical. The Indian colonists belonged mairi-
Jy to the ranks of Ksatriyas and Brahinanas, while there
was probably no very aharp distinction between the other
classes of society. The merchants, on kccount of their wealth,
probably occupied a high position in society as indicated by
the passages quoted above, but beyond this there were pro-
bably no social divisions among the common rank of people,
whether Indian or Chams. There is no clear indication
in the inscriptions that the conquered Chains were specially
marked out for the servile position.
1 Ins. No. 65. 2. No. 31.
ANCIENT HISTORY OF CHAMPA 215
The distinction between Brahmanas and Ksatriyas seems
more akin to that of classes r ither than that of castes. For
one thing, it is evident that intermarriage between the two
was in vogue. Thus, according to the Ins. No. 12. King Rud-
ravarman was the "son of an eminent Brahmana" and the
"son of the daughter's daughter" of glorious Manorathavar-
inhn". Manorathavarman, as is apparent from his title
Varman, muat have been a Ksatriya, and thus Rudravarman
had a Brahmana father and Ksatriya mother. This conclu-
sion is corroborated by the fact that in Ins. No. 7 he is
called the "ornament of the Brahma-Ksatriya family (or
families). Again, the sister of king Prabhasadharma married
Satyakausikasvarni. The latter was undoubtedly a Brahmaua
(see p. 39fF. above) and the issue of this marriage, Bhadre£-
varavarman, is said to have "shed lustre on both the Ksatriya
and Brahmana families" (Ins. No. 12, vv. 12-13). That such
marriages were pretty frequent seems to follow from Ins.
No. 75, where the king, Sri Jay* Harivarmadeva, is said to
belong "to Ksatriya family on both the father's and mother's
hide". Such qualifying phrases would have been absolutely
uncalled for if marriage usually took place between
members of the same caste.
It is probably the marriage relation between Ksatriyas
and Brahmanas that gave ris3 to a new clan, the Brahma-
Ksatriyas,1 to which frequent reference is made in inscrip-
tions. The word literally means "partaking of the character
of both Brahmana and Ksatriya." Two kings viz. Rudravarman
(Ins. No. 7) and Indravarm'in (No. 23) are said to be the
head of the Brahma-Ksatra clan. The Brahma-Ksatra is a
well-known caste in India. The Sena kings of Bengal be-
1. On the meaning and origin of the term Brahma-Ksatra, See
Prof. Bhandarkar'a article in J. A S. B (N. S.) Vol. V.
1900. rm. 1fi7-87.
216 SOCIETY
longed to this caste and it exists till to this day in many
parts of India. In Champa, however, the Brahma-Ksatriyas
do not seem to have formed a separate caste or class, but were
merely a subdivision of the Ksatriyas. This is conclusively
proved by a comparison of the two inscriptions, Nos. 72, and
75. In the former, the king, Sii Jaya Harivarniadeva, is
said to belong to "Brahma-Ksatriya caste", but in the latter
inscription he is expressly said to belong to "Ksntriya family
on both his father's and mother's side". Thus Brahma-Ksa-
tra can only be regarded as a sub-class under the Ksatriyas,
and in any case there could not possibly be any rigid dis-
tinction between the two.
The Brahmanas occupied a high position in society. As
has already been observed,1 they did not dominate over the
king and the state to the same extent as in India. But
otherwise they occupied a position of great dignity. The
Brahmanas are regarded as gods among men, and the murder
of a Brahmana is regarded as a very heinous crime (No. 12).
According to the same inscription even kings are said to be
devoted to them (No. 12). It is doubtful, however, whe-
ther they ranked above the Ksatriyas. It is true that in
the only instance where the traditional four castes are enu-
merated, the Brahmanas occupy the conventional position of
supremacy; but in a good many instances where only the two
classes are mentioned, the Ksatriyas are placed before the
Brahmauas,3 as we find in Buddhist and Jaina books, accor-
ding to which the Brahmanas are inferior to the Ksatriyas.
On the whole, the available materials saem to show that the
distinction between the Brahmanas and the Ksatriyas was not
a very rigid one, and they cannot be said to have formed
two castes in the strict sense of the term.
1 cf. p. 150 above
2 cf. Ins, NO. 12, v. 13 ; Ins. No. 31, C v. 7, and D.
ANCIENT HISTORY OF CHAMPA 217
The constant mention of the Brahmauas and the Ksa-
triyaR seem to show that these were really distinguished
from the rest of the population. Bat whether this distinction
led to any restriction about food and marriage such as pre-
vails in India between two castes, we are unable to deter-
mine. Taking everything into consideration it would seem
quite safe to conclude that the society was really divided into
two broad classes, the higher one composed of Brahmanas
and Ksatriyas, and the lower one consisting of the remaining
people.
But there was another important distinction in society
viz. that between the aristocracy and commonalty. These
two divisions were certainly overlapping to a great extent.
In other words, the members of the aristocracy most often
belonged to the Brahmana and Ksatriya classes but it almost
certainly comprised other people, who gained this high rank
by virtue of wealth or services rendered to the state.
The external symbols of aristocracy are described in de-
tail in the inscription No. 39. We are told that these privi-
leges "difficult to be attained by others in this world" were
granted to the minister Ajfia Mahasamanta by the king as
reward for faithful services.
The privileges consist of: —
(1) Articles of dress and ornaments.
(2 ) Right to use special conveyances, such as palanquins
and elephants, to the accompaniment of music etc.
(3) Claim to be seated near the king.
Among the articles of dress are mentioned : "The honour
of putting a garland on his head, the distinction of being
marked by an excellent tilaka (mark on the forehead), a com-
plete ornament for the ear§, best ear-ring, a pair of robes,
decoration by golden girdle-string, an axcelleat dagger with
218 SOCIETY
a golden sheath, a vessel and a cirdnda white as silver. To
these are added "an umbrella made of the ftat.hers of pea-
cock and a multitude of pitchers and vases, a id a palanquin
with silver staff" Similar honours were conferred by the king
a brother of the minister named Sjiia Jayendrapati as a
mark of appreciation of his poetical merits. We are told
that in nine different temples of the realm Ajiia Jayendrapati
composed poetical inscriptions engraved on stones, and as a
reward, obtained from the king various distinctions such as
palanquin, parasol decorated with peacock feathers etc. (Ins,
No. 39, b)
In botli these respects the Indian colonists kept up the
tradition of their motherland. In ancient India people laid a
#reat stress upon the special privileges of wearing particular
dresses and using particular conveyances, and these distinc-
tions were granted by the king upon poets and other great
personages in recognition of their loyal arid faithful services.
Traces of these customs still persist in the Native States of
India, particularly among the Rajput States.
The family to which the two ministers belonged may be
regarded as a typical aristocratic family. Of the three bro-
thers, two, as we have seen above distinguished themselves
in court by administrative ability and poetic talents. The
third brother, Sjiia Narendra Nrpavitra was no lees famous.
He was "versed in all sacrificial ceremonies and in all treatises
dealing with the £aiva religion". Besides, he was a linguist,
and by hard exertion mastered the languages of neighbouring
countries. We are told that he "was able to understand
thoroughly the meaning of messages sent by kings from
different countries, after looking over them only for an ins-
tant". Whether he was a Brahmana or Ksatriya by caste
we do not know, but the case of the three brothers certainly
ANCIENT HISTORY OF CHAMPA 219
shows that so far at least as occupation went there was no
very hard and fast line between the Brahmauas and the
Ksatriyas.
In addition to the distinctions mentioned above the king
also granted titles to the members of the aristocracy. We
have got reference to several high officials who were rewar-
ded in this manner. Thus king Jayasimhavarman gave three
titles to his favourite Captain of Guards viz. Tlvarakalpa, 6iva-
kalpa and ^rikalpa (Ins. No. 35). Again PovKlufiPilih Rajadva-
rah "obtained the title of Akaladhipati as a reward for the zeal
with which he served the king" (Ins. No. 43). But Rajadva-
rah obtained something moro substantial for his services, viz.
a grant of lauds. It appears that such grants almost always
accompanied the other distinctions in order to enable the reci-
pients to maintain their dignity, and this laid the foundation
of a hereditary landed aristocracy. Unfortunately there are
not enough details to pursue the subject any further.
A general idea of the manners and customs of the aristo-
cracy may be formed from what has been said above regard-
ing the king (pp. 161 ft'). But history, aa properly under-
stood, should concern itself more with the life of commoa
people than with big events connected with kings and nobles.
Unfortrnately, however, it is difficult and well-nigh impossi-
ble to make this the guiding principle when one has to dis-
cuss the history of any ancle at civilisation. For the written
materials on which we are to base our accounts are mostly
concerned with the higher classes of people, and it is only in
an indirect way that we can glean some informations from
them about common people. It is only when we are fortu-
nate enough in coming across a highly developed national art
that we may entertain some hopes of reconstructing the life
of the people at large. Fjr tra^ art Is a fair index ol com-
mon life, more so when it is rich in phonetic value.
SOCIETY
The art of Champa was fairly developed and its phone-
tic ^alue, although not very high, is not altogether negligible.
It 18 possible therefore to get some valuable information from
a careful study of this art. But one note of warning has to
be sounded before we proceed to this task. As will be de-
monstrated in the next chapter, the art of Champa was deri-
ved from that of India and not of indigenous growth. Its
spirit was also Indian. It is difficult to judge therefore the
extent to which it reflects the national life of Champa as
against merely handing down the traditions of the parent
art. With this reservation, and subject to the risk of being
led astray at times, we may cull a few valuable informations
regarding the dress and ornaments of common people in an-
cient Champa.
First as to the dress. It is indeed very striking
that the sculptures represent the dress of the people
as very scanty. Only the portion below the waist is covered;
the rest of the body, even in cases of females, is nude. The
evidence of art in this respect is in full agreement with the
Chinese accounts (cf. p. 11 above;. It is possible that in
course of time a garment for the upper part of the body was
introduced, but this is not reflected in the artistic representa-
tions, till a very late period.
As to the dress which covered the lower part of the body
it may be broadly divided into two classes, the long and the
short. The long one extends down to the ankle while the
short one never reaches beyond the knee, and sometimes even
stops short much above it There were of course great varie-
ties in both. Sometimes ths cloth was quite plain, but often
it contained rich and varied designs in variegated colours,
and was plaited in fancy patterns. In most cases we find a
loose scarf over the dress hanging between the legs. At a
later period this was replaced by either aprons, or richly
dwriptif
PI. I. Dress, as illus
.iwl from ike, pnblimtions of E colt
monument* CVn«.« fyy //. P<mnmtwr
ures. (cl p. 220.)
:\rir("nw-()rlf"n,t, \rolt* XI, X 11
r, C
PI. II. Head-dress
( Reproduced from the, publications (
descriptif des monuments Cams by H. Pann
i Sculptures, (cf. p. 221.)
4f,nl, Voh. XI,
ANCIENT HISTORY OF CHAMPA 221
plaited folds, of cloth. The long dress resembles a modern
petticoat, while the short one looks like drawers. As a rule
women put on the former and the men the latter. Both
were tied to the waisfc by a belt which was sometimes richly
decorated with jewels.1
The ascetics and the servants are often figured as dres-
sed in an Indian langwti, a narrow strip of cloth passing
round the h p and between the legs.
As to the colour of these dresses the sculptures teach us
nothing. One Chinese authority says that the colours chiefly
used were black, yellow, red and purple, whereas the use of
white was punishable by death.
The Chams paid some attention to hair-dressing. The
sculptures have preserved a number of specimens, showing
the curious ways in which they tied their hair in various
fanciful patterns. They also used head-coverings of various
types. It appears on a careful examination of the sculptures
that during the early period the hair was either tied in
round and high chignon or allowed to fall loosely over the
neck and soulders. Sometimes a diadem was used either by
itself or just to keep the chignon in its place. Later on caps
(nubkutKa) sf various shapes were introduced, most of these
being either conical or cylindrical. Sometimes they showed
rich designs and a high degree of workmanship,8
As regards foot-wear the Chinese evidence is in full
accord with the evidence of sculptures. According to an
authority quoted by Ma Touan-lin, only the upper classes
used shoes made of skin, while the common people walked
barefooted. Another authority belonging to the 15th century
reports that "only the king wears shoes, the courtiers are
, I. C. PI. PLXXV--CLXXVL
2. Farm. 1. C PI. CLXXV1II, CLXXIX.
222 SOCIETY
barefooted", and the officers of S. S. Galathee have noted the
same state of things. But the last two observations can only
refer to the well-known oriental custom according to which the
courtiers must leave their shoes before appearing in kiag'a
presence. Even to-day nobody can appear before a ruling
prince in the Native States of India with shoes on; but this
does not prove that they are in the habit of walking bare-
footed even outside the court. We can, therefore, accept the
statement of Ma Touan-lin, viz. that the practice of wearing
shoes was limited to upper classes alone. This is corroborated
by the fact that shoes are very rarely represented in the scul-
ptures. The few specimens that we come across are all of the
type of sandals tied to the foot by means of a strap. Some-
times is decorated with jewellery (cf. above p. 161. 1. 18).
The ornaments of the ear are man}'' and varied in chara-
cter. There is first the disc set in the ear-lobe. It 18 either
circular or oval and sometimes of the shape of a flower. Ib
has a knob in the centre which is also variously designed.
Then come the rings, sometimes quite large in number, which
are set round the ear. Lastly the pendants, which are often
fairly heavy.
Next to the ear-ornaments may be mentioned the brace-
lets round the wrist as well as round the upper part of the
arm near the shoulder. Similar ornaments are also put round
the ankles.
Among other ornaments noticeable in the sculptures may
be mentioned necklaces and girdles both of which show a rich
variety of designs.
Lastly, it appears that the sacred thread (upavlta) lost
its religious character in Champa and came to be used as an
ornament among the people.
It is evident from a general study of art in ancient
Champa that the people led a life of ease, if not alwaj's of
opulence and luxury. The few data we possess regarding
ANCIENT HISTORY OF CHAMPA 223
their economic conditions also corroborate the same view.
Agriculture was no doubt the principal occupation of the
people. Although the quantity of fertile lands was rather
small they made good tha defect by a system of irrigation,
traces of which exist even to this day. The chief products
have been already referred to (p. 8) and the cultivation of
these must have afforded maintenance to the great majority
of people. But trade and industry was also fairly developed
and we have many references in Chinese literature to the
manufactures, and arts and crafts of Champa.
A few of these may be noted below : —
A. AGRICULTURAL.
1. (a) They cultivated the mulberry-tree for the produc-
tion of silk-worms, as well as the cotton-tree. They made
cloths of silk and cotton of various kinds and hues, and these
formed an important industry of the people. Sometimes
embroidery of gold, silver, pearls and jewels was added to
cloths, and the Chams made great progress in this art.
(b) Manufacture of perfumes from sandalwood and
similar other trees.
2. Manufacture of alcohol from the juice of betel-nut.
3. Straw hats were made from a kind of palms grown in
water.
4. Mats were made from fan-palm.
5. Ropes and fine basket work made out of a variety of
plants and herbs.
B. MINERAL.
1. The different metals gold, silver, copper, iron and tin
were extracted from soil and manufactured in the shape of
utensils and ornaments of various kinds.
2. Large number of precious stones developed the art of
jwellery.
3. There was also a brisk trade in corals of all sorts and
pearls of great value.
224, SOCIETY
4. China vases were also manufactured to a very large
extent.
C. ANIMAL PRODUCT.
1. Ivory work was a very important industry.
2. The horn of rhinoceros was regarded as very valuable
on account of its medical property, and formed an important
article of commerce.
In addition to the above there were also the important
arts of carpentry, stone-cutting, brickmaking and masonry.
Last, but not of the least importance among the indus-
tries was that of ship-building. By their very geographical
position the Chains were dependent for their safety upon a
keen martitime activity, and the Chinese •vidence makes it
quite clear that they had a powerful navy. The Chams were
hardy fearless mariners and boldly plied the ocean for
the purposes of trade and war. There were mercantile ves-
sels as well as ships of war. We often hear of Cham fleet
harassing the coasts of Annam and Cambodge and pillaging
the sea-coast towns and ports. They also visited China, Java
and other neighbouring countries.
An infamous activity of the Cham mariners was the
systematic piracy in which they were engaged. Not only did
they pillage defenceless towns and ports 011 the sea coat t by a
sudden raid but they also captured and plundered vessels
which passed along their coast. The vessels going to or
coming from China which had of necessity to sail close to the
shores of Annam, were their special victims, and for some
time the Annamese waters came to be regarded with terror
T)y the trading people ef the east.
An indirect consequence of this nefarious activity of the
Chams was the influx of slaves among them. Regular slave-
trade was carried on by the Cham merchants, and aUves formed
ANCIENT HISTORY OF CHAMPA 225'
a prominent element of the population in addition to aristo-
c racy and commonalty. We get frequent references to slaves
in tlse inscriptions and it became a normal practice for all
who endowed a temple to assign to it both male and female
slaves for carrying on menial work. These inscriptions refer
to slaves of both the sexes belonging to all nationalities such
as Khmer, Cham, Chinese, Siamese etc. The prisoners of
war were also sometimes condemned to slavery, and the same
lot often awaited the rebellions subjects. As we have seen
above (p. 79), when the rebellion of Paudurariga was crushed
by King Parame^varavarmadeva Dharmaraja, half of the
population were distributed as slaves to various establish-
ments.
The only other element of Cham population which deser-
ves special notice is the woman folk. Some scholars are of
opinion that the matriarchal system prevailed in Champa before
it was colonised by the Hindus. This may be regarded aa
probable though little traces of it remained in historical
times. Maspero refers as an example to the practice observed
in matters of succession to the throne, viz that the son of a quean
of the first rank had preference over even elder sons born of a
queen of second rank. This practice was, however, observed even
in India and can be explained without assuming the existence
of matriarchy. Of far greater interest in this connection,
however, are a series of successions through female lines in
historical times. Thus king Prthivlndravarman was succee-
ded by two sons of his sister, Satyavarman and Indravarman,
and the latter was again succeeded by his sister's husband,
and sister's son. Again Indravarman II was succeeded by
his wife's sister's son. These instances might be attributed to
matriarchal principles, but as we do not know whether there,
were any direct male descendants in any of these eases we
are unable to form any definite conclusion. A Chinese
226 SOCIETY
author, of course, remarks : "'Among the Chains it is the fe-
male who counts, the male is of no importance". Several
coustoms of the modern Chams in Annam have also been re-
garded as bearing traces of matriarchal principles, which,
besides, are the general characteristics of Ma!ayo-Polynesian
or Austronesian race to which they belonged. But whatever
that might be the custom, if it prevailed at all, must have
been thoroughly modified by the Hindu colonists. So far at
least as the extant evidence goes, the position of women in
Champa seems to be on all fours with that in India.
Marriage was regarded as a sacred ceremony which laid
the foundations of a family life. As in India, the marriage
was confined to one's own clan corresponding to yotra. We
have reference to two important clans — those of narikela
(cocoanut) and Kramuka (betelnut). These names were deri-
ved from a mythical story according to which the founder
of each of these clans was discovered.while infant, in a coco-
anut (or betelnut) tree by the king who reared him up and
ultimately gave him his own daughter together with his
kingdom. There were possibly other clans of this type, and
the clannish sentiments, although based on mythical legends,
superseded all other barriers of society. Thus we are told
that a lady belonging to a noble family would marry even
a man of no substance if he belonged to the same clan, and
that marriage relations were determined by considerations of
clan rather than those of cnste. In other words, a man
would marry a woman belonging to the same clan but to a
different caste.1
The details of marriage ceremony such as are recorded
in the Chinese texts immediately recall those of India to
which they bear a close resemblance. The inevitable match-
maker, usually a Brahmana, as in India, settles the prelimi-
1. Maspero, Toting Pao, 1910, pp. 184 ff.
ANCIENT HISTORY OF CHAMPA 227
naries. He arrives at the bride's house with some presents,
such as a quantity of gold, silver, and jewels, two pitchers of
wine, and fibh. After the proposal is agreed to on both sides
he settles an auspicious day for the ceremony, for, as in India,
the ceremony could take place only on certain tithia. On the
fixed day friends and relation sof both the bride-groom and bride
gather at their respective houses and indulge in joyous festi-
vities amid dance and music. Then the bride-groom goes to
the house of the bride who is attired in a splendid dress suita-
ble to the occasion. A priest after introducing the bride-
groom to the bride joins their hands together and pronounces
the sacred mantras. This finishes the ceremony which ia
again followed by dance, music and other festivities.
Like the marriage ceremony the relation of husband and
wife, too, probably resembled that of India. At least we have
undoubted evidence of some of the most important charac-
teristics of that relation. Thus when the husband died, the
wife — at least one belonging to a high family — followed him
in the funeral pyre, according to the well-known sail rite in
India. Some inscriptions even record a number of queens
burning themselves on the funeral pyre of a king. The case
of the Annameae queen of Jaya Simhavarman IV shows how
difficult it was even for an unwilling victim to avoid this
tragic fate (see above, p. 124). The traveller Odoric de Por-
denone remarks with reference to Champa: —
"When a man dies in this country, his wife is burnt along
with him, because they say that it ia only right and proper
that the wife should live with the husband in the other
world"1
Those who did not die along with their husbands mostly
lived like Hindu widows the rest of their lives.2 They led retired
1. Toung Pao, 1011, pp. 600-601.
2. B. E. F. Vol. XIV, No. 9, p. 14.
228 SOCIETY
livos and did not dress their hair. It is possible that in ex-
ceptional cases, the widows were remarried. All these are
exactly analogous to what we find in India. On the sama
analogy we should expect the prevalence of polygamy
and ^jhis is confirmed by the examples of kings (see. p. 162
above) who had numerous wives and concubines.
The sacred ties of marriage, however, sometimes sat
loosely upon the lower classes of people, if we are to believe
in an account preserved hi the Chinese Text called Tao-yi-
tche-lio. We are told that when a vensel stopoed at a coast-
town for some days, the sailors married the women of the
locality. The men and women lived as husband and wife
during the short residence of the former, and when the time
of parting came they took leave of one another amid tears
and lamentations. Next year the women again married the
new batch of sailors, and so on. We are told that if perchance
any one of these sailors returned to the same country after
a long time, he was warmly received by his former wife and
offered food and drink, but the old ties of husband and wife
being once dissolved, could not be automatically revived.1
Nevertheless there was a high ideal of womanhood, and
feminine virtues are frequently referred to. The good quali-
ties of Pu lyan Rajakula enumerated in Ins No. 36 (vv. 8 ff)
may be regarded as those of an idenl woman. The women
were, as a general rule, very religious, and many inscriptions
record their religions gifts and pious endowments Ths heroic
example of a lady determined to save her honour even at the
cost of her life has been referred to on p. 76. above.
Some of the popular customs arid ceremonies of Champa
have been recorded by Chinese historians. These were held
on fixed dates in accordance with the Hindu calendar which
was in vogue in Champa. The year began with the month of
1. Ibid p. '37. Similar forms of short-term marriage are said lo
be prevalent oven now among the mariners oil Hue.
ANCIENT HISTORY OF CHAMPA 229
Caitra, and months ended in Amavasyft or New-moon. Many
of tho Hindu festivals were observed there. A few peculiar
ceremonies are recorded below.
On the New Year's day an elephant was taken out of
the town and let loose; for they believed that they would
thereby get rid of the evil spirits for the year. In the
month of Ssadha they held grand boat-races in which even the
fishing boats took part. At the feast of the winter-solstice,
which took place on the full-moon day of the llth month,
the poople presented the king with samples of their agricul-
tural and industrial produc.s. Lastly, oil the 15th day of the
month of Caitra, a wooden lower was constructed outside the
walls of the capital city;th3 king and people of all ranks
placed there clothes and perfumes which were then burnt aa
sacrific* to (Jod.
MttsjX'i'o has regarded all thes3 customs as of indigenous
origin, but this may be doubted. The practice of letting
loose an elephant, particularly when there is DO heir to a king
occurs in many old stories of India. The annual boat
races are held even to this day on the Dussera festival in
various parts of Bangui. Th? practice of presenting the *; first
fruits" to kings, landlords or great men is a well-known custom
in this country, and tli3 last festival mentioned above has its
counterpart in th/3 modern Dolayatra festival. Ths festivals in
Champa recorded above may thus bj regarded, like many
others, as ultimately derived from India, although modified by
local ideas.
Th'jre were many popular festivals connected with har-
vest, as we find in India. Even the king took part in them
and was to give the signal for harvest by himsalf cutting a
handtul of ric3.
Some of the customs and ceremonies w<?re horrible and
barbarous. Thus every y.^ar on the 15th day ol the first
280 SOCIETY
month and the 15th day of the 12th month, the people were au-
thorised to procure the galls of living persons and sell them to
officials. These galls were mixed with an intoxicating drink
and taken by the official with hig family. Thay believed
that they would thereby be feared by other persons and be safe
from infectious diseases.1
The funeral ceremony was analogous to that of India.
The usual practice was to burn the body on a pyre. The
cremation took place the very next day, in the case of the
ordinary people, and three or seven days after death, in the
case, respectively, of nobles and kings. The dead body was
soaked in beer and placed on a hearse. It wau then taken to
the burning place to the accompaniment of music. All the
members of the family, both male and female, with shaved
heads, accompanied the procession uttering loud shouts of
lamentations all the while, until they arrived at the river-bank.
There they burnt the body on a pyre, and having collected the
ashes in an earthen pot and thrown it into the river, returned
to their house in profound silence. If the deceased belonged
to any noble family, or had performed any high functions in
the state, the burning ceremony had to be performed near the
mouth of a river, and the ashes were placed in a coppei pot.
In the case of the king this pot must be of gold and it had to
be thrown into the sea. Thus the distinction of ranks was
carefully preserved even after death.
For a period of two months the members of the family
came to the pyre at the end of each week with incense and
perfume, and uttered wails and lamentations over the remains
of the departed. On the hundredth day, and again in the
third year, some ceremony had to be performed in honour
of the dead.
1. B. E. F. vol. XIV. No. 9, p. 37.
ANCIENT HISTORY OF CHAMPA 231
Although cremation was the usual rule, the practice
of exposing the dead body was not unknown. In accordance
with the custom pravalent among the Parsis, and among seve-
ral peoples in ancient India, the dead body was left in an open
field and devoured by the "sacred vultures". After a few
days the family of the deceased collected his bones, burnt them
to ashes and threw them into water.1
It is difficult to form an idea as to the general tone of
morality prevalent among the people. According to soin»
Chinese authorities tin people did not usi any ferment3d drink,
whereas others say that th^y made alcohol by extracting the
juice of b^tolnuts.
Th^ Chains woiv very fond of dance and music. Inscrip-
tions frequently refer to dancers and musicians and the bas-
reliefs depict many dancing and musical parties together with a
variety of Indian musical instruments. There were probably
also some dramatic performances in which men and women
both took part, and some heroic ballads were sung to the
accompaniment of suitable musical instruments.
A few words must b? said in conclusion regarding the
study of Indian literature in Champa. It is evident from
the published inscriptions that at least upto the tenth century
A. D. the Classical Sanskrit Literature, particularly the
Kavya, was thoroughly studied, probably even to the exclusion
of the native literature, if there were any. Sanskrit became
the language of the learned and the indigenous tongue suffered
a cold neglect. Not only were Indian books imported and
studied but even new books were written in Sanskrit, and the
name of at least one such book and an extract from it has
reached us (No. 74).
The kings seem to have taken a leading part in the culti-
1. B. E. F. Vol. XIV. No. 9, p, 10.
232 SOCIETY
vation of Sanskrit" language and literature. Thus, as noted before '
king Bhadravarman (5th century A. D.) is said to have been
versed in the four Vedas(No 4). King Indravarnian III is said to
have been versed in the well-known six systems of Philosophy,
aa well as in the Buddhist Philosophy. In addition, he knew
Panini's Grammar with Ka^ika, and the Akhyana and Uttara-
kalpa of the Saivas(No. 45). King l5rl Jaya Indravarmadeva
VII was versed in Grammar, Astrology, the Mahayana Philo-
sophy and the Dharma^astras, notably the Naradiya and
Bharggavlya (Ins. No. 81). Whether thes3 kings were as
learned as their court-posts woud have us believe may be doub-
ted, but that these different branches of Sanskrit literature
formed familiar subjects of study in Champa may be regarded
as fairly certain.
To the list of subjects thus obtained others may be added
on the strength of epi graphic records.
1. The Epics.
That the two opics, the RAmfiyana and the MahabhHrata,
were quite familiar in Champa is evident from a number of
allusions to the chief characters or episodes described in them.
Thus reference is made to Yudhisthira, Duryodhana and Yuyu-
tsu in No. 41, to ths glories of Rama and Kyvma in No. 74, to
Rama, son of Da'aratha in No. 12, to the irrepressible valour
of Dhanafijaya in No. 23, and to the son of Panda in No. 39
Besides, the story of the destruction of the Tripura-Asuras
as contained in No. 18, bears a very close resemblance to what
we find in the Anuf asanaparva of Mahabharata. The alluHion
to the epithet "Ekaksapingala" of Kuvera, occurring in No.
14,Lis also evidently based on the Uttarakftnda of Ramayaua.
All these point to a very intimate knowledge of the epics on
the part of the people of Champa.
2. The religious litorature, particularly tho literature of
the Saiva and Vaisaava s'.;cts, must have bjon thoroughly stu-
ANCIENT HISTORY OF CHAMPA 233
died. The familiarity of the people with the numerous epi-
thets and legends of Siva, Vi snu and other gods, as discussed
in Book II Chaps. II and V above, cannot be explained except
on this assumption. Wo have also som^ specific references to
it in inscriptions. Thus the minister Ajfia Narendra Nrpa-
vitra is said to have been versed in "all treatises dealing with
the Saiva religion" (No. 39). The minister of King Indravar-
man III "was versed in sacred scriptures" (No. 46).
3. The Smrti literature, specially the Manavadharma^as-
tra or Manu Smrti, must, have been rega.-ded as a standard and
authoritative treatise. Specific reference to it is found in No.
65, and the Bharggaviya Dharma?astn , mentioned in No. 81,
may also refer to the same.1 The latter inscription also refers
to Narada Smrti.
4. The great influence of Classical Sanskrit literature, in-
cluding Kavya and Prose romances, is met with in all the Sans-
krit inscriptions that have reached us. The writers of these
inscriptions show great familiarity with different metres and
styles of poetry and prose- writing. Even tiie extremely arti-
ficial style, consisting mainly of £lesas and anuprasas such as
is met with in Kadambarl, Naisadha-Carita and Sisupalava-
dha are not wanting in our Inscriptions. No. 55 may be citf3d
an an instance of alliterations. Artificial Prose style, chiefly
characterised by placing two apparently contradictory state-
ments side by side is illustrated by No. 17.
5. The Chams had evidently a knowledge of the Pur Alias.
We have reference to a book called Artha-Purana*astra in
Ins. No. 72, and PurAnartha in No. 74, both apparently mean-
1. According to Manusarahita, Chap. I, v. CO, the entire text
wag narrated by Bhrgu, who originally learnt it from Manu.
This is corroborated by Chap. V, vv 1-3 and Chap. XII, v. 2.
Thns the text tray also be called Bharggaviya, in the sense
that it was nai rated by Bhrgu.
234 SOCIETY
ing the same thing. From the little knowledge that we have
of it* contents, it appears to have dealt, among other things,
with past and future kings. Now this is exactly in confor-
mity with the treatises called the Pur Anas. The Pur&uartha
or Artha-Puraua^astra thug seems to have been a commentary
to or a Cham edition of an Indian Purana.
On the basis of what has been said above we may draw
up the following list of the branches of Sanskrit Literature
which were studied in Champa.
I. The Four Vedas.
II. The Six systems of Indian Philosophy.
III. The Epics.
IV. Buddhist Philosophy, including the Mahayana
system.
V. The religious literature of the Vaisnava and Saiva
secta
VI. Grammar, notably that of Panini, together with
its commentary, the Ka^ika.
VIL Astrology.
VIII. The Dharma?astras, specially those of Manu and
Narada.
IX. The PurSnas.
X. Classical Sanskrit literature including K&vya and
Prose Romances.
CHAPTER X.
Architecture and Sculpture,
§ /. Plan and Scope.
The study of the civilisation of Champa would remain
incomplete without a brief reference to the architecture and
sculpture of the country. Although Champa cannot boast
of such splendid edifices as we find at Cambodge and Java,
and her monuments, mainly built of bricks, have mostly dis-
appeared, yet the remains, such as still exist, indicate a fairly
developed artistic sense and manual skill of her people. As
in India, the art in Champa was mostly the handmaid of
religion, and the people lavished their skill and resources
mainly on religious edifices and images of gods and goddesses.
It will be well, therefore, to begin with a description of her
temples. The few existing remains of civil or military struc-
tures of olden times are almost insignificant in character and
will be briefly noticed at the end.
The temples which are in a good state of preservation,
or the ruins of which enable us to form a fairly accurate idea
of their forms and characteristics are quite large in number.
It will be impossible to describe them in detail, nor will thia
•erve any useful purpose to a general reader. I shall there-
fore begin with a general description of the Cham temples
and then proceed to give some details of the threa important
groups via:, those of Hyson, Dong Duong and Po Nagar. This
will be followed by a very brief reference to some other impor-
tant groups or detached temples which show important and
characteristic features of a somewhat novel type. Finally, '
an attempt will be made to make a chronological classifica-
tion of the different styles and to trace their origin. Those
who want to study the subject in greater details may consult
236 ABCHITECTURE AND SCULPTURE
the monumental work of Parnientier — "Inventaire Descriptif
des Monuments Chams De 1 'Annam"1 from which the follow-
ing account has been summarised.
§ 2. General characteristics of the temples in Champa.
All the temples in Champa belong essentially to one
characteristic type, though varying a great deal in detail. They
generally face the east and are situated on an eminence, in
order, no doubt, to make them visible from a great distance.
The sanctuary or the cella, containing the image of god,
occupies the centre. It is a small room with a square base
and a pyramidal roof. The Chams call it Kalan. It gene-
rally faces the east and has sometimes in front of it another
bunding of pimilar shape running from east to west which
serves as the porch or Ndtamandir.
This building has two rooms with a communicating door.
Only the western room has a door, opening towards the
north : otherwise the rooms are lighted only by the win-
dows. Sometimes we find two subsidiary sanctuaries built
in the same line from north to south as the principal sanc-
tuary. These are often later additions. In rare cases this
central group of shrines is accompanied by subsidiary tem-
ples. Sometimes these are very small and attached to the
wall of enclosure. These structures are all built in brick aad
generally covered by pyramidal arches.
All these buildings are enclosed by a wall and the only
access to this sacred enclosure is through a Gate-Tower to-
wards the east. It has the shape of the principal sanc-
tuary, and its two doorways, opposite each other, are approa-
ched by two flights of stairs on the east and the west. Be-
I. In the footnotes that follow, chapter, page, figure, and
plate, unless otherwise stated, shall be taken to refer to
this book.
ANCIENT HISTORY OF CHAMPA 237
yond this is often found a Big Hall wit i tiled roofs, suppor-
ted by thin walls or merely pillars. There are also other
structures close hy, which served as record rooms, storerooms
etc. In most cases, however, no traces of the wall of enclosure
have been found. In theso cases eithsr the wall was not
built at all, or built of very light materials which have
perished.
The interior of the sanctuary is a square chamber. Its
vertical walls are plain but polishad. Above, the roof con-
sists of one conical vault formed by n succession of rings
which rise in gradually diminished proportions as far as the
top. At about mid-height between the floor and tha summit
a stone slab is fixed at each corner with a hole pierced at the
end. It was probably a device to put an awning or a canopy
above the divine image. The cella usually has only one door
towards the east ; on the other sides there are niches in the
walls which probably served the purpose of lamp-stand.
The idol is placed in the centre of the room on a plat-
form ending in a Sndna-droni. It has & long narrow projec-
tion which serves to carry away water used for bathing the
idol. Sometimes there was a Soma-Sutra, either along the
ground, or suspended high up in the air, for removing the
water outside the room. The sanctuary opens into a vaul-
ted passage which leads to an elaborate doorway with thre-
shold, lintel and frames, all made of stone, and above the lintel
is a frame of brick or stone called tympanum. The tym-
panum often contains sculptures which are sometimes of an
elaborate character. This massive doorway opens into an-
other vaulted passage which leads to an antechamber or
vestibule. This antechamber, which looks like the sanc-
tuary in miniature, is riot, however, always present. In such
cases the vaulted passage ia extended upto the Gate-Tower.
The entire building, both sanctuary and the vestibule, IB
288 ARCHITECTURE AND SCULPTURE
placed on a common foundation which follows in the main
the entire outline <of the buildings themselves, Only in front
of the entrance gateway it is intersected by a staircase.
Externally, the sanctuary consists of a square tower
with a Qikhara. There are at least three distinct types of
^ik haras, but those of the normal type consist of a series of
four storeys, one above the other, diminishing as they rise,
and crowned by a curvilinear pyramidal stone slab.
The square tower, which may also be regarded as the
lowest of these stories, is of course formed by the walls of the
sanctuary. Each wall has one elaborate moulding at the base,
and another at the top, which may be designated respecti-
vely as the Base and the Cornice. The body of the wall is
intersected by a number of bold vertical projections
with broad flat surfaces between them. These have been
termed pilasters and Inter- pilasters. Sometimes these were
decorated by carvings of various patterns.
The Pilasters are usually five in number, but the central
one is hidden behind the false doorway which covers the
centre of each of the three walls other than that which con-
tains the real doorway. These false doorways are a charac-
teristic feature of Cham temples and will be described in detail
in connection with individual temples.
The Base and the Cornice are often decorated with
richly carved figures and other ornamental designs, notably,
in the case of Cornice, by the frieze of garlands. A peculiar
characteristic of the Cham tern plea is an attempt to streng-
then the junction of two Cornices by slabs of stone which are
often elegantly carved into beautiful forms of Makaras and
Apaaraa.
At the four angles of the Comics, on the roof of the
central tower, are four small towers. Each of these Corner-
towers is a miniature representation of the sanctuary itself.
ANCIENT HISTORY OF CHAMPA 239
In the vacant space between them but leaving a margin,
sometimes broad and sometimes very narrow, rises the first
storey of the £ikhara. This storey as well as tha next
higher one are diminutive forms of the sanctuary itself and
possess all its essential parts, — only false niches are substitu-
ted for the false doorways, and the number of Pilasters on the
walls is gradually reduced to 4 and 3. The 'Base* is also
wanting in these upper storeys, but they have, in addition,
sculptured stone slabs fixed on the Inter-pilasters. The third
storey has usually two, but sometimes no Pilasters. It differs
from the two Jower stories in one importart respect alone viz.
the absence of Corner-towers. From the roof of it springs
the crowning ornament of the whole building, a slab of stone,
square or potygonal at the base and curvilinear and pyrami-
dal in shape.
In addition to the normal type of Sikhara described
above, two other distinct types may be noted. The first of
these consists of two storeys, the upper one having the shape
of an elongated arched vault with ogival ends at two sides
and a slightly concave curve at the top. This type will be
briefly referred to as 'ridge-shaped with ogival ends/ The
third type of Sikhara consists of a curvilinear pyramidal
dome springing directly from the walls of the sanctuary, and
surmounted by a massive circular member of corrugated
form, resembling what is called the XmaUka in the Sikharaa
of North Indian temples.
The temples in Champfi, are made of brick though stone
slabs are used to add strength or for decorative purposes.
Thus the door- frame, lintel, angular pieces etc. are frequently
made of stone.1
L Vol. I, pp. 17-25.
240 ARCHITECTURE AND SCULPTURE
| S. Myeon Group}
The Myson group of temples is situated in a valley for-
med by the chains of Deo Le, about 21 milos, as the crow
flies, south-south-east of Touranne. The "/alley is almost
circular and measures about a mile from the top of one ridge
to another. It has only one opening to the north through
which a small river drains its waters to the Song Thu Bon.
The temples at Myson may be divided into several dis-
tinct groups which cover the valley as well as the low peaks
of neighbouring hills.2 The groups A and A* are on the right
side of the river and face the group.s B-C-D directly on tha
opposite bank. A little lower down the river on its right
bank is the Group G on a low peak. It towers over the
preceding groups as well as on Groups E-F, still further
down on the same bank. At about 440 yards from the last, on
the same bank of the river, is the Gate-Tower K. On
the left bank, lower down the river than th^ groups B-C-D
is the Group H, while a little further up from the former is
a small chamber L about the mid-height of a peak, There
are also remains of other structures which have almost
wholly disappeared.
GROUP A
The most ancient tomphs in the Myson group are A.-1
and it« six subsidiary temples A-2 — A-7, three on each side.8
All these temples are built on one terrace, situated
in a large quadrangular courtyard surrounded by brick
walls. A Gate-Tower A-8, with two doorways and double
flight of stairs, standing on the same line as A-l cuts this wall
1. Vol. I, Chap. VIJ, pp. 3:7-438; B. E. P. Vo.. IV., pp. 805-
977.
2. Pl.LXVU.
3. PI LXVlir.LXXIL
PI. III. Myson Temple A-l vcf. p. 241)
(RfiproduM'l from tic puUicutions of Ecolc, Franchise
$? Krtw/Hie-Urimt, Vols, XI, XII viz. Inventor?, dwwlp.
tifdvs monuments cams by H.Parmenticr,l*lan<:he LXXI1)
ANCIENT HISTORY OP CHAMPA 241
on the west and forms the main entrance. A Big Hall A 9,
which is almost completely ruined, stands in front of A 8,
just outside the boundary wall. Within the enclosure are
four other subsidiary temples of different styles and of later
date. These are A 10, just to the north of the main group,
and A 11, A 12 and A 13 bordering the southern and eastern
wall.
The temple A- 7 opens both towards the east as well as
towards the west. It belongs to the normal type of temples
described above and is profusely decorated with very elegant
carvings. The inner chamber is square and very lofty. The
walls begin to bend at about 4-5ths of their height and form
an arch. There are six niches in the walls. The idol, a
linga, is now broken, and its Sndnadronl corresponds to the
Soma-Sutra in the false doorway to the north. It is impos-
sible to say whether the linga was turned to the eaat or to
the west.
The two doors of A-l are connected by two arched passages
with two vestibules. The roofs of the vestibules are high
and pyramidal in shape.
The vast basement or the terrace of the temples A-l and
A 2-7 presents a cruciform plan and consists of two main
•tages or stories. These are decorated with fine mouldings,
figures of animals and various other fantastic and pleasing
motives. The terrace is about 6J ft. high above the ground
level and is reached on the west by a staircase.
Externally, each wall of the temple is divided by vertical
projections viz. Pilasters and Inter-pilasters, and these are
decorated with luxuriant foliage pattern of various designs.
The frieze is ornamented by garlands and busts of Apsarcw.
The false doorways at the sides are also treated as pro-
jections. That on the southern side conmsts of two parts.
The upper part is a replica of the (ample itaelf with throe
242 ARCHITECTUBE AND SCULPTURE
niches at the base containing images. The lower one, double
in plan, imitates a doorway with aide pilasters sculptured
with foliage pattern.
In the first stage of the pyramidal roof, each side con-
tains three Pilasters, that of the middle being larger than the
other two. The front is ornamented by the head of a mons-
ter and foliage terminating in Makaras. The false door-
ways are represented by niches divided into two parts.
The second and third stages are repetitions of the first
though on a smaller scale. No data are available for forming
an accurate idea of the fourth stage, but it appears that the
terminal stone was a conical and curvilinear octagon in shape.
The vestibules were treated as miniature temples. Of
the doorways only a few fragments remain.
Thl t&mpUs $-7*
Around the central shrine there are, as already remarked,
six small temples on the same platform. All of them have a
separate basement and, with the exception of A 6, resemble
the main temple in form. A 6 has no storied pyramidal
roofs but its eastern and western walls end in a curved gable.
Its faces are ornamented with pilasters.
The other buildings (A 8— A 13) do not call for any par-
ticular notice.
GROUP A'.
To the £on th of group A is found the front of four tem-
ples A' 1-4, all opea to tho east It is just possible that there
wa* A fifth tempi* which is now completely gone.
All, tJb^§e temples are now in ruini and they all seem to
TW9 «rpBp(> tbe southernmost of all, and is bounded
1; PI, LXXIII—
PI. IV. Myson Temple G— 1. (c£. P. 243)
(Re/produced frmn the pirfJ/icationn of Emir, Fr.i,nr,aifie
ANCIENT HISTORY OF CHAMPA 243
by a wall which is nearly a square. In the centre of the en-
closure is the principal temple B- 1 made mostly of stone bat
baily constructed. A hall with double doors gives access to
the c^rt from the east. Two subsidiary chambers B 5
and® 6 occupy respectively the south-eastern and north-eas-
tern angle. There are two other temples within the enclosure,
Ef 3 in the jjQUth-west angle, and B^ 4 in front of it. There
are besides, seven miniature temples B 7-B 13 attached to the
enclosing wall.1
Lastly, there is * colonnade in front of B 1. The columns
seem to have been removed fio n their original positions, but
they are very elegant. The octagonal shaft is fluted and orna-
mented at both ends. The base and capital are both executed
with rare perfection. The abacus is decorated with the busts
of 4 figures brandishing a sword of a peculiar kind. The top-
most member is a beautiful lotus.2
The temple B 5 is of peculiar construction. It has only
two storeys and the roof of the upper one is ridge-shaped with
ogival ends. It is very ancient and probably of the same age
as A 1. B 6 resembles B 5 but is of smaller dimensions.5
GROUP C.
This group is enclosed by a wall parallel to that of B, but
the principal sanctury C 1 has got a different orientation from
B 1. The Gate-Tower C 2 and five other edifices, three temples
C 3, C 4, and C 5 and two subsidiary halls C 6, C 7, have all
the same orientation as B 1.*
The temple C 1s is not of normal type. Externally, it
resembles B 5 with a vestibule o! the same shape. Besides,
1. LXXVIH— LXXIX.
2. Fig 82. p. 377.
3. Fl. LXXX— LXXXl.
4. PI. LXXVIU.
5. Fl. LXXXII.
244 ARCHITECTURE AND SCULPTURE
the temple looks like two different buildings, the sanctuary
and the vestibule being separated by an open space. Internal-
ly, the arched vault is not of a regular pyramidal character,
but rises straight to a certain distance.
The Gate-Tower C 2, as well as the buildings C3, C 4 and
C 5 all have the same external forms as B 5 and B-71. C 7,
C 6 and C 5 are placed close together in the same line from
left to right. It appears that C 6 was added at a later period
in the vacant space between C 7 and C 5. Both C 7 and C 6
belong to the normal type of temples.1
GROUP D.
The two groups B and C contain only the principal parts
of two temples. Their Big Halls, which are necensary comple-
ments to a temple, are placed together in a common court D.
All the three groups are enclosed by a continuous wall which
forms a circuit round the northern, southern and western
walls of B and C.
The two edifices D 1, and D 2, connected respectively with
B 2 and C 2 are both large halls, illumined on each side by
three windows. Each is divided into three parts by the pillars
attached to the walls, and opens at the two ends by two door-
ways with the usual passage and porch.
There are two other subsidiary temples D 3 and D 4, and
two minor buildings D 5 and D 6 within the same enclosure.
Of these D 4 and D 6 appear to belong to the same age as A-7
and the two others are later.*
GROUP E>
E 1, the main temple and the central building of this
group, differs from the normal type of temple? represented by
1. PI. LXXXUI.
2> PL UCXXIV.
.3. Pi. LXXXV-J,XXXVi.
4. PL LXXXVU-XCi.
ANCIENT HISTORY OF CHAMPA 245
A 1. It is not covered by a vault of brick, but its compara-
tively thin walls could only carry a tiled roof, the remains of
which now completely cover the building. The inner chamber
is square in plan, and has four wooden columns at the lour
angles. It opens by a doorway to the west, and has in the
centre a richly sculptured pedestal carrying an enormous linga.
There were originally two subsidiary temples E 5 and fi 6
to the south ami south-west, and a third E 4 was added to th'j
north at a later date. There are two other edifices E 7 and
E 8, and a small foundation E 9. no doubt designed for a buil-
ding which was never finished. Besides, there are a number
of pillars in front of E 4 belonging to a building of peculiar
shape, the foundation of which has, however, completely
disappeared.
All th^ne buildings are enclosed by a wall with a Gate-
Tower E 2 in the middle of the southern wall, providing access
to the interior. This is preceded by a Big Hall E 3.
Of these temples, E 5 alone faces the east, while all the
others face towards the west. It may be noted that Ganesa
was the deity of E 5. E 7 has a ridge-shaped roof with ogival
ends. l
GROUP Fa
This group consists of a central tempi* F 1, and another,
F 3, built to its south at a later date. The whole is enclosed
by a wall, the access to the interior being provided by the
Gate-Tower F 2. Both F 1 and F 3 seeio to have had a tiled
roof.
GROUP a*
The principal sanctuary G 1, lacing west, occupies the ceu-
tre of the courtyard enclosed by a wall which is opened by a
1. PI. XCH.
2. PI. LXXXVII, XCIil, XC1V.
U. p;, x<.'V~- xCVi.
246 ARCHITECTURE ATSTD SCULPTURE
Gate-Tower G 2. In front of the latter is the usual Big Hall
G 3, and to the north-east of it, outside the enclosure, is a
temple G 5, with four entrances on the four sides. Witnin
the enclosure is a residential chara Der G 4 at the south-eastern
extremity of the court.
The temple G 1, though belonging to the normal tyoe, has
certain peculiarities. Its vestibule has three entrances and its
foundation has got special decorations. Terra-cotta has been
largely used instead of stone, and the false door- ways on the
walls are comparatively narrow.
GROUP H.1
The principal sanctuary H 1 iaces east. In front of it is
the Big Hail H 2, preceded by a small doorway H 3, the substi-
tute of the Gate-Tower. This door cuts the enclosing wall in
the east and provides access to the interior which contains,
besides, a subsidiary building H 4 at the south-eastern angle.
It is to be noted that the Big Hall, facing the gate, which is
usually situated outside the boundary wall, is here placed
within the enclosure itself bstween the entrance doorway and
the temple.
GROUP K.
The group has got only the Gats Tow^r giving access to a
courtyard enclos3d by brick walls. The temples within the
enclosure have wholly disappeared.2
THE HALL L.
This building erected at the mid-height of a small peak
overlooking the groups B.-C.-D. on the south, consists merely
of a long chamber without decoration. It has two doorways
at the two ends. These are made of bricks and appear to
have never been closed.3
1. PI XCV, XCVII.
2. PI. XCVII.
3. PI. XCVII.
ANCIENT HISTORY OF CHAMPA 247
GENERAL NATURE AND ANTIQUITY OP
MYSON TEMPLES.
The Myson group of temples belonged to the Saiva cult.
This is evident from the Snanadronl found in Al and other
temples, and enormous tin gas in A 10 and E l.Lihgas have also
been found in A' 1, B 4, F 1, F 3, and A1 4, B 1 and probably also
C 1 contained images of £iva. Among other divinities may be
mentioned Ganesa (B 3, E 5) and Skanda (in front of B 3).
The subsidiary temples contained the images of other
gods. Among the ruins of Group A have been found small
figures of Brahma, Suryya and other gods and goddesses, and
these probably occupied the small temples A 2-A 7. Similarly,
the temples B 7-B 13 contained Brahma, Suryya, Indra and
other deities.
Sculptures on the tympanum and other parts of the buil-
dings represent various Brahmauical gods to which reference
has already been made.
A large number of inscriptions have been discovered
among the ruins of Myson temples. These are arranged
below according to their findspots.
Group A— (On the basement) Inscriptions NOB. 4, 7, 13, 21.
(Near A 10) Nos. 14, 18.
(Near Al) No. 78.
Group B—B 1-Nos. 20, 51, 68, 69, 73, 79, 87, 90, 94, 95, 128.
B 6-No. 16.
Group D— Noa 62, 65, 70, 81, 84.
Group E— K6-No. 12, No. 19.
E 10-Nos. 59, 61, 63.
Group F—F 3-No. 17.
Group G—G 1-No. 72,
G 5-No. 74.
It is difficult to fix the precise date of the various temples
at Myson. But with the help of the data furnished by the
248 ARCHITECTURE AND SCULPTURE
inscriptions and the style of the buildings themselves, they
may be arranged in four distinct chronological periods l
I. Style of ^ambhuvarman (6th-7th century A. D.)
The temples A 1, A 2-7, B 3, B 5, B 7-9, B 11-13, C 1-5,
D 1, D 4, D 6, E 1.
II. Style of PrakftSadharma-Vikrantavarman (7th-10th
century A. D.)
(a) Earlier- A 8-13, A1 1, B 4, F 1,
(b) Later-C7, A'2, C 6, E 7, F 3.
III. Style of Harivarman (llth century A. D.)
D 2, E 4, E8.
IV. Style of Jaya Harivarman (12th century A. D.) B 1,
B 2, D 5, and G, H, K, L,
§4. DONG DUONG GROUP1
The ruins of Dong Duong cover a rectangular area of
328 yds. by 164 yds. It is enclosed by a low brick wall which
has only one opening to the east.8
The rectangle is divided lengthwise in three long narrow
blocks of slightly unequal dimensions running east to west.
At the western end of the central block is situated the princi-
pal sanctuary, A. It is surrounded by four sanctuaries A 1-A 4
built on the same terrace. An imposing building B, with
four bays, stands in front of A and there are two other temples
C and D and two residential blocks E and F. The whole is
surrounded by a wall, forming the first courtyard. Along the
sides of tffis wall, within the courtyard, are seven small tem-
ples. A porch in the eastern side of the wall serves as the
only entrance to this courtyard. In front of the porch stand
1. Cf. B. E. F. Vol IV, p. 898. Some mistaken views in this
article have been corrected in the light of Farm. I. C. Vol.
I. pp. 439-505.
2. Vol. I, Chap. VIII, pp. 337-438.
3. PI. XCVIII-P1. CV.
ANCIENT HISTORY OF CHAMPA 249
two columns, inord than 11 yds. high, on two sides of ths en-
trance.
To the east of Court I stands the Court II. It contains
a long chamber and is likewise opened at the tast end by a
second porch preceded by two columns.
To the east of Court II stands Court III. It contains an
imposing Hall opening to the east into a ihird porch pr Decided
by two columns. There are also two tide-entrances to tha
Hall, one in the north and and another in the south.
Then follow a number of long narrow courts, at present full
of jungles, till one comes to ,h3 fourth porch, which serves as
the main entrance to the enclosure and is preceded by two
columns.
The first Court is flanked by two others on the north and
south. The northern one contains the ruins of three temples,
and the southern, those of a square chamber. These two side-
courts, together with Court I, are surrounded by a wall, the
vacant space within being probably utilised for gardens or
temporary sheds which have disappeared. Similarly Court II
is also surrounded by a wall of enclosure of nearly the same
dimensions.
The south-eaatorn corner of the rectangular area is covered
by ruins of brick buildings and the north-eastern corner by
a hollow basin.
It may be noted that the walls of Courts II and III are
decorated only on th* inner side, and this shows that the lon<*
o
narrow passage which connects the main gate (porch IV) with
the principal temple in Court I was the only portion really
meant for the public.
The different buildings were possibly constructed in different
ajjeH extending the whole group gradually towards the east. It is
just possible, however, that all theso buildings were part of the
250 ARCHITECTURE AND SCULPTURE
original plan and at first made of wood, being replaced at a
later date by more durable materials.
The temple is completed by a rectangular enclosure 328
yds. by 270 yds. at a distance of about 850 yards from the
main entrance. According to popular tradition it was a reser*
voir and this view may be correct.
The principal temple in Court J belongs to tlv3 normal type —
but there are large niches in the interior and big projections in
front of the false doorways on the exterior of the walls The
buildings have thus the appearano of a cross. In addition to
the staircase in front of the main doorway to the east, there
is another b3fore the false doorway on the western side. Both
are nicely carved and decorated with elegant figures. The
false doorways are decorated with richly ornamented pilasters
and beautiful statues. The walls of the Court also are decora-
ted with pilasters and figures. In front of them are a series of
ornamented brick columns, cylindrical in plan and conical in
section. They have a circular base placed on a square block,
and are adorned by a series of rings.
The walls of the oth^r two Courts are also similar in
design.
It appears from Ins. No. 31 that the ruins at Dong Duong
are those of a Buddhist temple and monastery, built by king
Jaya Indravarman in 875 A. D. From Ina No. 36 we further
come to learn that the temple was situated within the town
of Indrapura which was at that time the capital of Champa,
and that the widowed queen of Indravarman, named
Haradevi Rajakula installed many gods and goddesses within
the temple area. The actual discovery of Buddhist images
among the ruins of the temple also demonstrate the Biuidhist
character of the building.
••
PL VI. Po Nagar Temple A. (side-view), (cf. p. 251)
(Reproduced from the publications of Ecole Francaise
J7 Extreme-Orient, Vols. XI, XII viz. Inventaire descrip-
tif des monuments Cams ly H. Parmcntier, Planche XXII )
ANCIENT HISTORY OF CHAMPA 251
§ 5. PO NAGAR GROUP1
The temple of Po-Nagar or Yan Po-Nagar, the goddess
•>f the city, is situated close to Nha Trang, at the village of
Cu Lao in the district of Khanh Hoa,
The group facing east is situatad on the eastern end of &
small hillock at the entrance of a valley. It commands a good
view of the lagune at the foot of the hillock and of the sea
close by.
The temples are arranged in two lines, running north to
south, on the top of the hillock. In the front line are three
temples, the principal temple A, and two others B and C to
its south. In the line behind were also three temples in the
same order, F, E, D. In front of A stands a rectangular
building of inferior construction, G. All these buildings were
enclosed by a wall trac3S of which still remain to the south
and west.
A steep staircase in front of G leads to a lower terrace
containing an imposing Hall, M, with a colonnade.
Lastly, there seems to have been a Gate-Tower on the
ground level.8
The Principal temple A-Ib belongs to the normal type, but
being very well preserved in all its parts, serves as a good
specimen of the temples of Champa.3
In the interior, the only noteworthy point is a curious
system of air-hole. The interior of the roof is a pyramidal
vault ending in a long chimney to which are attached, at
the height of the third stage of the roof, two cross pipes
which extend over the entire summit of the building. The
same nrrangement exists also in the vestibule. A beautiful
figure of Uma is placed in the centre of the sanctuary. There ia
1 Vol. I, pp. 111-132,
2 PI. XX.
3 PI. XXII.
258 ARCHITECTURE AND SCULPTURE
the usual Somasutra throwing out water across tho north-
ern wall.
Externally, the false doorway is of much plainer design
than usual. The superstructure consists of a small member of
ogival shape super-imposed upon a bigger one of the same
shape. Each of these stand* upon two pilasters, between
which, at the bottom, is a human figure decorated with a
mukuia and with hands joined near the breast.
The roof consists of four stages. On each of these stages,
on the two sides of the central niche corresponding to the false
doorway, are figures of birds and animals, such as geese,
deers and elephants.
The vestibule is a copy of the main building in all its
essential features. But the figures of the birds and animals
on the roof and the human figure between the pilasters of the
false doorway are wanting.
The other buildings. The temple B is of somewhat peculiar
design. The false doorway is more complicated, its superstruc-
ture consisting of a series of ogee-shaped members of gradu-
ally diminished proportions super-imposed upon one another.
Bat the most characteristic feature of the temple is the roof
which does not consist of several storeys but of a single cur-
vilinear pyramidal dome of elegant shape. The finials of this
dome consist of two bulb-shaped stones with one of lihya
form at the top. It may be added that internally the sanctuary
shows the same pyramidal arch as in temple A, though a little
more curvilinear than usual. The roof of the vewtibule also
consists of a single arch, the longitudinal section of which
would correspond to the shape of the curvilinear superstruc-
ture of the prolongation of the upper part of the doorway.1
The temple F has got many peculiar characteristics.
1. PI. XXIII-XX1V.
ANCIENT HISTORY OP CHAMPA 253
There ftre no false doorways,their place being taken by sculp-
tures. The roof is ridge-shaped with ogival ends.1
Of the building M we can trace at p resent only four rows
of pillars. According to M. Parmentier s hypothetic recons-
truction, its interior was like that of an apsidal Buddhist
Caitya, having a central nave and two aisles.1
A large number of inscriptions have been discovered in
the ruins of Po Nagar. These are arranged below according
to the findspot.
1. In front of the principal temple A, — Nos. 22, 29a, 29b,
29c, 45, 47.
2. Principal Temple A.
Interior of the temple, Nos. 30, 50, 109.
Doorway— Nos. 26, 55, 58, 60, 64, 66, 76, 80, 85, 88.
97, 98, 105.
Vestibule— 48, 49.
3. Temple F.— No. 25.
4. Temple B.— Nos ,71, 108.
5. Under the ground within the enclosure containing
temples A, B, C, D, E, F.— No. 99.
Some of these inscriptions refer to the erection of various
temples at Po Nagar. The original wooden temple containing
a Afukhalinga must have been built in very early times, so
that in the eighth century A. D. it came to be associated with the
mythical king Vicitrasagara. This temple was burnt by
pirates in 774 A. D. Ten years later, king Satyavarmft built
a new temple and installed therein a new Mukhalinga together
with images of other gods and goddesses.3 In 817 A. D. Senft-
pati Par erected three tamples with mandapas and gates and
installed gods and goddesses.4
1 PI. XXV.
2 PI. XXI, and fiig 27, Vol, I, p. 127.
3 Ins. No. 22,
4 Ins. No. 20.
264 ARCHITECTURE AND SCULPTURE
It is difficult to identify the temples mentioned in the
above inscriptions with those existing to-day either intact or
in ruins. The date, terminus ad quern, of some of th<* mod-
era temples, however, may be assertained with a fair degree
of certainty from these inscriptions. Thus the main temple
A must have been completed by £17 A. D., as the Ins. No. 26,
dated in that year, is engraved on its doorway. For nimilar
reapons, the temple F containing the inscription No. 25 must
be placed before 813 A. D., and the temple B, containing No.
71, before 1143 A. D.
§ 6. MINOR GROUPS OF TEMPLES
A. Pho Hai Group1 — This group of temples is situated
on the top of a hillock near the village of Thien Chanh not
far from Phantiet. It consists of three temples in two diffe-
rent levels of the rock. The principal temple, on the higher
level, together with another building in ruins to the north-
east, is enclosed by a plain stone wall. A little lower down to
the north is a third temple, probably contemporary to the
principal one. All the temples face the east.
The principal temple differs from the normal type in cer-
tain details, such as the absence of Corner-Towers and slabs of
stone at the junction of the Cornices, and shows striking affi-
nity to the Cainbodgian type. The doorway, particularly,
shows a great resemblance.
The absence of Corner-Towers brings out very promi-
nently the resemblance of this type of temples with the sto-
ried stupas of India, from which it seems to have baen ulti-
mately derived.1
1 Vol. I, pp.29ff. PI. Ml I
2Cf. e. g. PI. in With the Dhamek Stupa (Forffusson- His-
tory of Indian and Eastern Architecture, Vol. I, p. 72. fig. 16)-
_
PI. VIT. Pho Hai Temples (cf. p. 254.).
( Reproduced from the publications of Eeolc Francaise
D' Eortrerrw- Orient, Vols. XI. XII viz. Inventaire descrip-
tif des monuments Cams by H. Parmcntier, Planche III.)
fei
PI. VIII. Po Klong Garai Temple (Side-view, showing
the false doorway on the south (cf. p. 255)
(Reproduced from the publications of Ecole Fmnmise
V Extreme-Orient, Vols. XI, XII viz. Inventaire dwrip-
tifdes monuments Cams by H. Parmentier, Planche XIII.)
ANCIENT HISTORY OF CHAMPA 255
B. Po Dam Group* — This group of six temples IB situa-
ted on a hill about two miles north of the village of
Phu Dien near the town of Phanri.
The temples are divided into two groups of three each
and face towards the south. The principal temple is richly
decorated. The upper storeys of one of the smaller temples
have curved roofs and show a great resemblance to the small
Javanese temples figured at Borobudur.2
C. Po Rome Group* — This group consisting of the princi-
pal temple and another building to the south, is situated on a
rocky elevation near the village of Hau Sanh in the districo
of Binh Thuan. The temple which is in a good state of pre-
servatiou is of very plain design. The only thing of interest
in the curvilinear pyramidal shape of the Corner Towers.
The southern building preserves decorations in painting, the
only extant specimen of that art in Champa.
The presence of very late inscriptions on the door-pillars
of this temple s«em to confirm the tradition that it was built
in the 17th century.
D. Po Klowj Garai Group* — This group of six buildings
is hituated on a peak which commands a fine view of the
plain of Phanrang. The principal sanctuary is very well
preserved and enablest us to understand properly the cons-
truction of the different parts of temples, even of those which
are in a state of decay. Among the peculiarities of the tern*
pie may be noted, its high foundation, the prominent cha-
J merely throw out a suggestion here as to the ultimate
origin of temples in India from which those of Champa are
derived (%ee post>. The scope ot the present work, how-
ever, is not compatible with a detailed discussion of the
subject which I reserve for seraimte treatment in future.
1 Vol. I,pp 50ff. PL VI-VII.
2 Vol. I, p. 51, fig 0; PI. VU-fiig 4, 4'.
3 Vol. I, pp. 6Lff. Rh VHI-X; Vol. II, p. 16.
4 Vol. I pp. 81 ff. PI. XI-XIV.
256 ARCHITECTURE AND SCULPTURE
racter of its false doorways which are almost completely
detatched from the wall, and curvilinear pyramidal shape of
the Corner-Towers.
The roof of one of the buildings is ridge-shaped with
ogivul ends.
It appears from Ina. Nos. 111-115 that the principal san-
ctuary has to be referred to the reign of Jayasiiiha Varman
IV (c. 1287-1307 A D. )
E. Ho La-i &roupl — This group of three temples is situa-
ted in the village of Nhon Son, at the end of the lo^g plain
which stretches to the north of Phanrang. The temples show
high architectural skill. The vestibule, although a mere pro-
longation of the arched doorway, contains false doorways.
The upper part of the false doorways of the temples is of
peculiarly elegant design. The walls of the temples are not
vertical but inclined outwardly from the base, so that the
decorations on the base, although projecting out of it, are on
the same vertical level as the top of the wall. The temples
are mostly in ruina
F. Hung Thanh Qroup* — This group is situated at the
foot of a hill, close to the road which goes from Binh Dinh
to Qui Nhon, and about two miles from this last town. There
were originally four or five buildings within an enclosure, but
at present the ruins of only two buildings can be discerned.
The chief characteristic of these temples ia the peculiar
shape of the roof, a curvilinear pyramid divided into a large
number of parallel stages, very slightly diminishing as they
rise.
G. Dwmg Long9— .This group of three temples is part of
a larger group of which only a few trace* nre visible. It in
1 Vol I,Pp.98ff. PL XV-XIX.
2 Vol. It pp. 146 ff. PL XXX-XXXI.
3 Vol. I. pj>, 183 fL H. XLll-XLVII.
PI. IX. Hung Than Temple, (cf. p. 256)
(Reproduced from, the publications of Ecole Francaise
jy Extreme-Orient, Vols. XI, XII viz. Inventaire dvscrip-
tif des monuments Cams by H. Parmentier, Planch* XX XL)
PL X. Temple of Duong Long (cf. p. 256)
<R, '.
c.ed from the
a of
/fl Fraibcaise
.
I) bstrwth-umt, Voh, XT, XII vh. Invent*!,-,;, d<Mrij>-
tij dc.-s monuments Lums by H. Parincntier, Plan<-///>, XLV.)
/?;;:
,Cir,.-: '\
wMS^m
HlRlPfhw ^'
jffy^m-f-j'^
PI. XI. Bang An Temple (showing in right upper
corner a subsidiary temple in S. W. ) (cf. p. 257)
from the, jtuUicfitions of Ec<>U
If Extre-nw-Orient, Vols, XI, XII viz. Inventaire
tifdes monuments Cams by H. Pariiwntier, Planchc, LXV.)
11
ANCIENT HJ3TOBY OF 3HAMPA 2J&
situated on a low eminence in the "illage.of Van Tu'oiig.
These three large iempba liave some peculiar characteristics.
The upper part of the false doorways Js elaborately carved.
The roofs of stories have no Corrxer 3 owers and the upper-
most stage is designed li £e an in* erte 1 lotos. The crown-
ing member thus looks 1 ke the peri Jftrp of a lotus. It ift
just possible that its geneial forms, as noticed in other tem-
ples, may also have been derived from tlds original idea.
H. Other Temples.
Among other peculiar characterisf ics of Cham temples
calling for special notice ma,y be mentio led :
(1) The richly decorated false doorways of the temple of
Binh Lam.1
(2) The peculiar T shaped inner cell of the southern temple
of Khuong My.1
(3) The octagonal temple of Bang An with a curvilinear,
pyramidal roof, belonging probably to the tenth century.8
The roof of Yah Proa temple which has no stages but
consists of a single mass of the shape of a curvilinear pyramid,
with horizontal circular ribs, ending in an inverted lotua4
§ 7. CHRONOLOGICAL CLASSIFICATION OF THE
TEMPLES.
M, Parmentier who ha« made a special study of Cham
architecture has tentatively adopted the following chro-
nological classification of the different styles in ChampA, on
the basis of temples whose dates can be fi&ed wifch v>
tolerable degree of certainty.6
1. Vol. I, p. 169-Fig. 31, PI. XXXIX.
2. Vol. I, p, 248, Fig. 46., PI. LVI.
3. Vol. I, p. 311 Fig. 68, PI, LXV. ; Vol. II, p. 13.
4. Vol. I, p. 557, PI. CVII.
5. Vol. II, pp. 19 ff,
258
ARCHITECTURE AND SCULPTURE
L The primitive art (7th-10th century,), which shows *
real inspiration aud freshness of artistic idea •* is represented
by the Myson temple A-l (beginning of 7th century A. D.)
and the Po Nagar temples F and A (813 and S17 A. D.).
II. The cubic Art (7th-9th century), so milled from the
low mavssive roof of the shape of a cube such as that, of Hoa
Lai Temple, is represented by Myson temple F, (beginning of
the 8th century), Po Nagar E (third quarter of the 9th
century) and the most ancient part of Do3g Duong (875
A. D.).
III. The Mixed Art (10th century), which shows the
proportions of Primitive Art together with decoration pro-
per to the Cubic Art, is represented by Dong Duong A.
IV. The Classic Art (llth Century), so called from its
strict adherence to architectural formula, is represented only
by Myson E 4 (middle of llth century A D.).
V. The Pyramidal form (10th-14th Cen:ury), so called
from the pyramidal termination, is represented by the Bang
An Temple (c. 900 A. D. ), Po. Nagar temple B (1145 A.
D.), aud Yau Proh temple (beginning of 14th century).
VI. The derived A rt (12th- 17th century), so called from its
departure from recognised canons, is represented by Myson B-l
(1114 A. D.), Myson G (1157), Po Klaun Garai (be*innin£ of
14th century) and Po Kome (second quarter of the 17th
century ).
M. Parmentier styles the first three as Primary, and
the last three, Secondary. His ideas of the relation between
these classes may be illustrated in the following tabular form.
Primary
Art
(First Period)
I. Primitive Art
I
II Cubic Art
III. Mixed Art
IV. Classic Art V. Pyramidal Art
Secondary J
Art i
(SecondPeriod,) j VI. Derived Art.
I
ANCIENT HISTORY OF CHAMPA,-
§ 8. THE CAVES.
The cave -wohiUcture did not make very great progress in
Champft. About five>o£ them are known, all of very simple
design, though one or two have ooftaaive proportions.
1. Phu Duoc (near Bong Son).
This cave is nearly oval in plan. The inner chamber has
a vaalted roof, and two cells radiate from it. One of these
is circular and the other rectangular. The cave is entered by
a narrow passage opening in the east A little to the south
of this passage on the outer side of the rock is a sttiall cell.
The cave is about 4 yds by 2 yds, and the height, a
little over 1 yard. It is popularly supposed to be the resi-
dence of a hermit.1
2. The Marble mountain* near Hoa Que contain several
caves round a central Hall which is however open to the sky.
One of these caves has its entrance guarded by a sculptured
balustrade.1
3. The eaves of Phong Nha (near Bo Trach) are of
massive proportions. An opening in the rack about 20 yards
long gives access to a circular chamber of the same diameter.
Its arched roof is decorated by bunches of stalactites. A low
narrow passage about 20 yards long leads to a second vaulted
chamber. From this a«ain issues out a very long arched
passage, about 20 yards broad and 15 to 18 yards high, whose
walls still retain in many places traces of high polish. At the
end of this passage, which is more than 1300 yards from the
entrance, is found a narrow tunnell more than 325 yards
long. The whole of this underground passage, nearly a mile
in length, is covered upto a certain height by a clear sheet of
water and can be traversed by small boats. The cave contains
some sculptures, and the discovery of an image of Buddha
1. Vol. I, p. 2 IS. Fig. 41.
2. Vol. I, p. 317, tig. oy.
260 ARCHITECTURE AND SCULPTURE
and of the word 'Sftriputra' among the almost illegible ins-
criptions, indicates that it was a Buddhist sanctuary in the
origin.1 Altogether 97 inscriptions have been traced in this
cave, but they are mostly illegible.3
4. A very small cave named Chua Harg, containing a
Bmall statue of Buddha, is situated in the village of Bo Khe
near Bo Trach.8
5. Some caves, close to the village of Lac Son, were trans-
formed into Buddhist sanctuaries by the Chams. On the
side of a mountain washed by a river, an o^ival opening, 8
yards by 10 yards, leads to an inner chamber. The side
rocks of this chamber have been divided into a number of
pillars by the corroding action of water, and the whole thing
therefore looks like a peristyle. This peristyle opens into a
passage ahout 90 yards long. Its roof is o^ival and about
15 yards from the ground. From the apsidal end of this
passage issues another very narrow passage, through which
one could crawl into a circular chamber with a diameter of
about 4 yards.
From the two opposite sides of this chamber, again, issue
two other passages. That on the left or the east is about 12
yards long and has a funnel shaped end. The opposite pas-
sage bends round and runs parallel to the long passage in the
direction of north to south, till it ends in two very narrow
paasages.
About thirty. six inscriptions havo been discovered in these
caves bet they have not yet been deciphered.*
1. Cf. Supra p 212 of the test.
2. Vol. It pp. 542 ff.
3. Vol. I, p. 546.
4. Vol. I, pp. 518 fl.
ANCIENT HISTORY OP CHAMPA 261
§ 9. CIVIL ARCHITECTURE.
Very little remains of secular buildings have been traced
so far in Champa, Of palaces of kings we may form some
idea from the accounts of Chinese writers. They were
high and of largo proportions. The roof was made of orna-
mented tiles and the whole building was surrounded by an
earthen wall. This was plastered with lime and its wooden
doors were sculptured with beautiful animal figures. Bayond
the wall were vast courtyards for the accommodation of hor-
ses, chariots and elephants.
More details are known about another kind of secular
architecture viz the fortifications. We have already quoted
th? Chinese description o! the strongholds of Kiu-Sou ( pp.
26-27 ) and Champa ( ip. 19-20) which may serve as a type
of the rest. Although ruins of several other citadels have
come to li^ht, their existing remains in most cases do not
enable us to form a clear idea either of their topography
or of their principle of construction. But they make it quite
clear that the Chams fully utilised the natural means of
defence, such as are afforded by hills and rivers, in building
their fortifications. A few of these are noted below.
1, The Citadel of SrZ Banoy or Bal Canar, situated on the
right bank of the river Song Luy, had the shape of an irre-
gular quadrilateral. Its northern face was washed by the
river, and on all other sides it was surrounded by walls. The
ramparts of the fortress are represented to-day by mounds,
composed of earth and pebbles, about 9 or 10 yards high.
The abundance of limonites in the ground shows that this
material was used in the process of revetment.
This citadel shows greater knowledge in the art of forti-
ficatioa than any other. Wo find here an attempt towards
g' and also the protection of the gates. Three salients
282 ARCHITECTURE AND SCULPTURE
advance from the three sides not protected by the river, in
such a way that one had to pass along one or oth$r of .them
in order to enter the citadel. There were probably two or
three gates, of which one alone now exists in the south~w&st-
eru corner. This together with the south-western salient are
the beat preserved in the whole group.
Near the centre, but closer to the river side, is a raised
platform, the exact nature and object of which is not appa-
rent. It probably served as a reduit.1
<?. Thanh Ho. — This citadel is situated about 10 miles
, 1 , V - .
from the mouth of the river Song Da Rang. It is enclosed
between a mountain and the left side of the river, and the
open face is protected by a wall. It covered an area, nearly
75o yards square, and was protected by a ditch nearly 32
yards wide. It was also protected by reduits and towera,
an4 had several gates. Bricks of enormous size were used
in building this fortification.*
3. At Caban, the ancient capital-town of Vijaya, about
eight miles from th<3 citadel of BinhDinh, are found extensive
ruins of what appears to be a first cla*>s military fortification
of ancient Champa. They cover a rectangular area of over
1500 yards from north to south and of 1200 yard* from eapt
to wetft. It was protected by an arm of the Binh Dinh river
on the north and a strong wall, without any flanking, on
other sides. The wall wae» built of earth with revetment of
limonite, and was pierced through by tunnels for the ingress
and egreis of a small brook. There are a number of high
mounds on all sides which probably conceal some, towers, or
gates. At present the ruins of one gate only are found but
1. Vol. I, pp. 30 ft. PI. IV.
2. Vol. I. p. KJT, PI. XXVII.
ANCIKNT HISTORY OP OHAMPA 263
according to an old plan oi the 15th or 16th century it had
four gates. The citadel coataines a lar^o number of beautiful
sculptures.1
4. The Citadel of Chatsa (Conton Hin Cha,utHuytn Binh
Sonh ),
The ruins of this citadel cover a square area, each aide
measuring nearly 430 yc s. The surn unding walls made of
brick have a ditch in front There wa* probably a gate on
each side.1
5. The Citadel of Co Luy seems to have served as an ad-
vanced protection of that at Chausa ( No. 4 ). It defended
the access to the Song Tra Kuk river which passed close by
the latter. Its sides measured about 163 yds. each, and it
was protected by two hillocks one on the west and the other
on the south-east8.
§ 10. SCULPTURES.
The art of sculptor in ancient Ch&mpft may be studied
under the following heads: —
A Human Figures.
B. Animal Figures.
C. Ornamental Decorations.
A, Human Figures.
Human figures in the art of Champa are either detached
images or part of decorative elements in the temples. The
images, again, are mostly either of gods and goddesses or of
kings and queens.
1. Vol. I, pp. 198 ff. PI. XLIX.
2. Vol. I, pp. 235 ff. PI. LV.
3. Vol. f.t p. 235.
ABGHtfgCTtlRE AND SCULPTURE
1. The Images.
The images of gods and goddesses have been described
before. It is needless to say that they form the best specimen
of the artistic activity of Champa, It is, of course, idle to
expect that all the idols would show a high < egree of artistic
skill, but some of them at any rate indicate the height of skill
to which the sculptors of Champa had attained in this line of
activity. The following may be selected as fair specimens.
1-2, Two standing images of £iva in Myscn A 4 and My-
son C.1 The images resemble each other to a great extent.
The features, at least of the upper part of the body, are well-
proportioned and the expression of face is pleasing. The main
defect of Indian Sculptures, viz. the lack of accuracy in physical
details, is also manifest in the art of Champa.
3. Even more beautiful than the preceding is an image
of Skanda standing on his peacock. By the clever handling
of the artist, the body of the peacock has baen made the
pedestal and its variegated train, a nicely decorated back-
ground, for the image of the youthful god. The pose and the
expression of the god are really charming.*
4. The seated image of a deity in Hyson B shows good
proportions, but unfortunately the head is missing.8
5. The figure of seated Buddha in Dong Duong III,
although not very good, reproduces in a striking manner all
the features of an Indian Buddha viz. the fold of dress, the
Urna, the Usmsa and the arrangement of hair in schematic
curls*
Like Indian art, again, the images of gods in later periods
became more and more deformed till they assumed soaie-
1. Vol. I, pp. ^62-3. Fifjs. 7S-7<J.
2. Vol. I, p. 379, Fig, 84.
3. Vol. I, p. 378, Fi£. 83.
4. Vol. p. T03, Fiff. 117. '
- 1 W
PI. XIII. Statue of £iva ( from Myson Temple
A'— 4) ( cf. p. 264).
( Reproduced from the publications of Ecole Francaise
D' Extreme-Orient, Vols. XI, XII viz. Inventaire descriptif
des monuments Cams by H. Parmentier, vol. 7, p. VfJtt, Fig. 78.
*£-' •• - i- .- £-- •-
V X -^SVSL^ ' -'-
' ~'
PI. XIV. Siva-liiigt, (Myson Temple E-1) (d. p. 177)
>ro<hwr,d from the. inM in it ions of E coir, Fraitfaiw D' fli'trr/ms'- Orient.
, A"// viz. Inventaire descrijrtif tin; moH,u,nwn,tx ('a'mx by H. /Vr-
p, CXX.)
PL, XV. Statue of Skanda (Myson B 3)
(ctp. 264).
(Reproduced from the publication* of E col* Franchise
D Extreme-Orient, Vols, XI, XII viz. Inventaire descriptif
doe monuments Cams by H. Parmentier, vol. I, p 379 Fiy 8J
PI. XVI. The Statue of Buddha (l)on^
court III) (cf. p. 264).
Reproduced from the jtuldiwitionx of Ecolc,
xtr&t ne-Orient, Ko/s. XI, XII viz. Inventdire (/rsci"if>t'if
Cams by 11. Parmcnticr, vol. I,j>. 502, FKJ. 7/7.
K>
} I.'HIM ill" Hljt
PI. XVII. Two mmicuina. ( FedesUl of M)'son E— 1)
(dp. 2G5).
(Reproduced from the pnldiwitiom of Ecole, Franc* ww
If Extreme-Orient, V<J*,Xf,XI/ vr:. lnr< ,i,lai,re, dawrijitif
dcs monuments Cams by H. Parmcntier, vol. 7, y>. jJVt F'«j. fJO.
17
PI. XVIII. Tympanum of Myson C— 1
( for description, see pp. 265—6).
(Reproduced from the publications of Ecole Francais$
jy Extr 'erne-Orient , Vols. XI, XII viz. Inventaire descriptif
die monuments Cams by H.Parmcntier.vol 7, p.SOl, Fig. 86.
18
ANOIINf HISTQB¥ OF CHAMPA 265
tip**** monoetrous appearance. This 10 best seen in the
figure* of Dv&rapalas which adorned many temples.1
There are several statues of kings and queens, mostly of
very late date. Artistically, they cannot be pronounced to
ba successful Two figures, alone, may be referred to a*
having reached a fair level of auccesa These are the figures
of king Po Narup and queen $ucih.f
2. HUMAN FIGURES IN DECORATIONS.
The human figure forms the most distinguishing trait
of decoration in the Primitive art of Champa. It occurs al-
most iu every part of the temple, in various forma and
•hapes, such as praying figures, persons mounted on gajaai-
mhat apsaras, demons etc. Some of the figures show good
proportions and are really charming. Compare, for example,
the exquisite figures of two musicians in Myson E, one play-
ing upon a lyre and the other upon a flute.3
The Cubic art employs human figures more sparsely.
But some of them, the figure of dvdrapdla, for example, ia
the false doorway of Hoa Lai, are fairly gool*
The most interesting sculptures in temples occur on the
tympanums of outer doors which are mostly in stone. In
the earlier period they were engraved with composite scenes
in bas-relief. -As a general rule the principal figure occupied
the centre, while the subsidiary figures wara ranged ou all
aides. Two good examples may be noted below,
1. TYMPANUM OF MYSON C.*
In the centre, a pedestal, with Naudin sculptured in
front, bears the image of dancing Siva. The upper part of
1. Vol. I, p. 4JO-4n, Figs. 111*112.
2. Vol. I., p 48 Fig. 8 ; p. 68, Fig, 14,
Z. Vol. I , p. 410, Fig. 90.
4. Vol. II, p. 184, Fi*r. 09.
5* Vol. I, p. 391, Fig. 86.
266 ARCHITECTURE AND SCULPTURE
the image is unfortunately broken, but enough remains to
show that the god had a necklace and several hands. There
are three figures on each side of the central image. Of
those to his proper right, the one nearest to him is dancing,
while two others are playing on musical instruments viz.
flute and a kind of drum. (Tabald). Of the three figures on
the other side, a figure with joined hands probably stands for
the king or the donor, while the other two, a female figure
and an infant, probably represent Durga and Skanda. Two
trees on two sides, with a parrot on one of them, show that
the scene is laid in an open ground. The upper part of the
sculpture represents gods or apsaras flying through clouds.
The whole composition is graceful and charming and reflects
preat credit on the artists of Champa.
2. TYMPANUM OF KHUONG MY TEMPLE.
It represents Krsna as holding aloft mount Govardhana
iu order to afford protection to the cows and cowherds. The
mount Govardhana is indicated by a number of boulders with
trees, deers and anchorites moving in them. The cowa ara
shown below in several rows in their true perspective1
Another good specimen is th^ Hntel of Chanh Lo which
represents n king surrounded by his entourage.2
In some cases the tympanum contains a large group of
figures, without making any distinction between principal
and subsidiary ones. The tympanum of the principal temple
of Dong Duong offers an example. It contains about 40 sea-
ted figures divided into four or five panels — bu", they are too
imperfectly engraved to give any clear idea.1
1. Vol 1, p. 259, Fig. 48. Parmentior has here wrongly identi-
fied the scene, but cf. Vol. II, p. 425.
2. Vol. II, p. 354, Figr, *)<),
3. Vol, I, p. 467, Pig. 103.
PI. XIX. Pedestal of l>on£
Temple ( cf. p. 2G7 ).
K#jtro<lwG<l fro'iii the, pul>l,ii'(i,i'H>n$ of
D Ej'tr<''m,<>.-()rtc.nt, IW.s*. AV, XII ri?. lu'
Cain* by 11. Fdr'nu'ntivr, vol. 1,^.
, /*Vr/. Jujh
19
Soin^time the tympaanm contains owe prominent figure
only and this is usually the case in later parioda. these'
images are as a rule of inferior type. Two grod examples
are furnished by the image of TTmA in Chanh Lo1 and an
image of Siva in Po Klaun Garai9
Bas-reliefs depicting composite scenes are also found in
the pedestals of the First Period. The moat remarkable
specimens are furnished by those of Tra Kieu and Mysoa E-l.
Both seem to represent some stories which have not yet been
identified. Each of the first three faces of the former con-
tains rows of men and women standing in various attitudes
and carrying different article?. The fourth face contain?
eleven dancing women in various postures, probably indica-
ting various forms of dance.3 The Myson pedestals are each
divided into several small panels by decorated pilaster designs.
Each panel contains two or three figures in various postu*
res. In several cases two men are engaged in animated con-
versation while in others they are found playing on musical
instruments like flute, drum, guitar etc4.
The bas-reliefs on these pedestals are of high phonetia.
value and they may be compared with those at Java. The
pedestals at Dong Duong are even richer in composition
though of less artistic merit. They depict various scenes of
war, proc3s<uon etc. and deal with quite a large number of
human beings of different degrees of status5.
During the Second Period this art of composing bas-re*
lief s underwent a rapid degradation and the few composite
1. Vol. I., p 230, Fit?. 43.
2. Vol. II, p. 307. Fiff. 70
?. Vol. I, pp. 294-295, Fi£». 61-04.
4. Vol. I, pp. 4115-413, Fig». 91-92.
5. Vol. L, pp. 470-471, Figs. 104-105. pp. 47C-7, Fig*. 106-7.
ASOSlfSOTtTEE AND SCULPTURE
60dil$8 w* posseea show neither the richness of composition nor
tbe aktil of execution such as are noticed in the earlier period,
* B. Animal Figures — As we have seen above, animals are
figured as Vdhanasoi gods, and they al«o occur in bas- relief
scenes.
Animal figures also formed an important part in decora-
tion in Primitive Art. We meet with a large variety of ani-
mals such as rhinoceros, lion, elephant, Gajasifnha, Makara,
N&ga, Oaruda, bull, horse, hare, deer, goose, peacock and
monkey. These are all made with a fair degree of success.
Although conventional to a certain extent, the figures are not
very far removed from nature. Special reference may be
made to a monkey in the Myson Tempi 3 D and the head of a
Jion in Myson K1.
Later on, in Cubic Art for example, decorations by rim-
ma! figures were reduced in quantity, being replaced in large
measure by floral decorations. But even the few repr^senta-
tions of animals in buildings indicate clearly that the Cham
artists had not lost their high skill. Some new species
appear in thi« period viz. wild boar, dog and butterfly. In
Mixed Art, the representations of animals are aim >st wholly
absent.
During the Second Period the* animal sculptures cease
to ilay any important part in ths decorations of bail ling*.
Ouly we find the friezes decorated by long rows of animals.
Moreover, the representations of animals became gradually
unnatural, conventional, and ultimately hardly recognisable.
It may bs pointed out here that although the figures of
lions are executed with great skill and farm an important
element in the decorations of temples this animal was un-
known in Indo China.1 There can he hardly any doubt that
1 Vol. II, p. 252, Fifcs. 51, 52. ""
2, This is the general view But 'lion' is referred to in a sisffle
PI XX, Decorative Designs (cf. p. 209)
woduced from the publications of Eoole Franeaise D' Extreme- Orient,
VTTnt^ r^^Mt'.lMJoeAM^fJtamMi.n^iep.mel^ U T> r,m, ...mi^ PV
PI. XXI. Pilasters and Inter- Pilaster (with floral
decorations) (cf. p. 233, p. 269).
(Reproduced from the publications of Ecole Francaise
Extreme-Orient, Vols> XI, XII viz. Invcntaire dewriptif
j monuments Camsby H. Parmentier, /, p. Fl. CXXX V.
21
ANCIENT HISTORY OF CHAMPA 269
its occurrence in decorations is due to the influence of Indian
traditions. The same indeed may also be said of the mythical
animals such as Makara^Jga, Garu&a etc. The gajasimha
is, however, a peculiar creation of the Chains. It is compo-
sed of the body of a lion with the head of an elephant.
The bull appears more as a Vdhana of Siva than a pure
decoration, and, as in India, detached images of this animal
are often met with in temples.
Certain birds and animals appear only once or twice in
bas-relief scenes and do not otherwise play any important
part in the art of Champa. Among these may be mentioned
squirrel, tiger, parrot, fish and tortoise.
C. ORNAMENTAL DECORATIONS.
The Cham artists excelled in floral decorations. Al-
though they treated foliage in a conventional manner, they
added an element of grace and beauty which made it highly
charming. This is particularly the case in the Primary
Art. The number of specimens collected by Parmentier
in PI. CLXV, showa the high degree of excellence that the
Chains had attained in this direction. The style is purely
Indian and we find here the same "undulating stem ol a
creeper with large curling and intertwining leaves.1
Most of the foliage patterns occur on pillars and pilasters,
and are in the shape of scrolls; sometimes, as in India, "the
whole scroll is deeply sunk and very clearly and carefully
carved'1. Sometimes the foliage is of an intricate and com-
plex design, but the Chain artists show high skill in handling
Chinese Text. This icay be due to faulty reading, or the
Chinese author might have made a confusion between a
tigrer and a lion.
1. Cunuiughara's description of Gharwa Temple, Area, 8arv.
Rpp, Vol. Ill— quoted in V. A. Smith's Fino Art in
and Ceylon p. 160,
2TO ARCHITECTURE AND SCULPTU&E
it. But here, as in other instances, the history of the art of
ChampS, like that of India, is written in decay. We miss
the vigour and refinement of the early patterns in those of
succeeding ages which gradually become lifeless and mecha-
nical in the extreme. In the Second Period when the art of
floral decoration was at low ebb and the pilasters were most-
ly plain, we meet, instead, with geometrical patterns which
although lacking the grace and Charm of old, are not altoge-
ther devoid of aesthetic elements. A number of fair speci-
mens may be seen in Parmentier's Plate CLXVIII. lu one
respect, however, the efforts of Cham artists to imitate the
Indian models have not proved a great success. The lotus
design which forms such a beautiful element in Indian art also
figures largely in the art of Champa. But any one conversant
with the very elegant and charming lotus flowers depicted.
in early Indian art, such as in the railings of Bharhut and
AmaravatI wtupas, cannot but be conscious of the striking in-
feriority of the same design in Champa. There are one or
two specimens which have attained moderate success, but by
far the great majority are but poor productions. A fair idea
of this -motif in the Cham art during the First and the Second
Periods may be obtained respectively from Parmentier's
plates CLXIX and CLXX.
One characteristic feature of the Cham art in connection
with the foliage decoration must be mentioned. The corner
pieces of buildings were of tea made of a highly conventiona-
lised foliags design. Here the stem forms a curved line in
the centre and the leaves radiate on both sides in regular
schematic curls of gradually reduced proportions. The sharp
edges of these curls form indentations on both sides at almost
regular intervals, and in many cases the whole thing looks
like a curved saw. There are of course variations in their
ANCIENT HISTORY OF CHAMPA 271
shapes and sometimes figures take the place of the central
stein.1
Among other decorative motifs may be mentioned the
rosettes and beads. The rosettes in simple form are found in
Myson* and with four petals at Chien Daug 8 Alternate
courses of beads and petals are found in Myson E-l.4
Of the art of painting in Champa we have got only one
very late specimen in Po Rome. The motifs are similar
to those met with in sculpture, and the whole thing has got a
pleasing effect.5
§ 11. THE ORIGIN OF CHAM ART.
A few words must b^ said in conclusion regarding the-
origin of the peculiar style of architecture prevalent in Cham-
pa. M. Parmentier has discussed this question at great iength,
and come to the conclusion that the Cham art is not derived
from any other known art. He holds that the art is of indi-
genous growth and derives it from a wooden origin evolved
on the soil itself.
It is with great diffidence that we venture to differ from
the opinion of one who has probably gone more deeply into
the subject than any other living scholar. But the derivation
of Cham art from Indian seems to us to b3 such an obviouw
fact that it appears impossible to accept the conclusions of
AI. Parmentier without demur.
It may be stated at the very outset that we are in full
agreement with the general principles laid down by Parmen-
tier for guiding a fruitful inquiry into the relations between
1. PI. CXLVm.
2. PI. CLXVJ, Fiffs. E, I.
3. PI. C. LXVIII-Fig. L.
4. PI. CLXVi-Fig, V.
5. Vol. It. Fig. 50.
272 ARCHITECTURE AND SCULPTURE
two different systems of art. These may be briefly sumraa*
rised in his own words as follows: —
"In order to infer the relationship between two arts, it is
sufficient merely fco point out that both present the sani ten-
dencies and possess the same genoral features. But in order
to prove that one system of art is derived from anotti r, it is
necessary to phow that at a time which is either cont ^mporary
or anterior to the earliest specimens of the art which is suppo-
sed to be derived, the art supposed to ba the origin possessed
features common to the former."
Having established this general principle, M. Parmentier
proceeds to discuss whether the primitive style of Cham art
as exemplified at Myson has any common features with the
art of Cambodge, Java or India as it existed in the seventh
century A. D., the date of the Myson temples. He points out
that Java may altogether be eliminated from the inquiry as
its most ancient monument is posterior to this date. As re-
gards Cambodge, the art of Angkor had not come into existen-
oa in the period in question, and the primitive Khmer Art was
not only very different from but in a decidedly inferior state
of d 3 velopmsnt than the primitive Chain Art. Lastly, an ex-
amination of the Indian monuments earlier than the seventh
csnoury A. D. has led Parmentier to conclude that with the
exception of the carved roof, no typical element of Indian
architecture appears in Cham style, nor is any typical molif
of the Cham art traceable in tho old Indian style.
It is on this point that we must join issue with M. Par-
mentier. To us the characteristic feature of a Cham temple
aeems to be its storied roof of several stages, in gradually
diminishing proportions, each of which is again a miniature of
the whole. Now this is the characterise feature* of what is
known as the Dravidian style and makes its appearance as
ANCIENT HISTORY OP CHAMPA 273
i f . • j ; * vl ''_•" ^ -'•'*.;* ; ^ ^
early as the seventh century A. D. intheMamallapuram Raths
and the temples atConjeeveramandBadami.1 AnyoneWhofeom*
pares the Dharmaraja Rath and Arjuna Rath with the normal
type of temples in Champa cannot but be struck with the
essential resemblance between the 'Sikharas' of the two. It
may not also be uninteresting to note that the Dharmaraja
Rath is expressly designated as a temple of &va named after
the king as 'Atyantakama-Pallavesvara', as was the case
with the Myson temple which was known as that of Sambhu-
Bhadresvara after its founders. Again, some of the temples
(e.g. Myson B-5, B-6, C 1-5 ) of Champa have an Elongated
curved roof with ogival ends and this has its counterpart in
the Gane£a Rath and Sahadeva Rath. The third type of Si-
kharas, viz. the curved ones, resembles Draupadl's Rath and is
probably derived from those of North-Indian style, as Parma
ntier himself admits. The basement of the temples at Champ*
also resembles those at Conjee veram and Badami. On the
whole it seems impossible not to connect the style of Champa
with the early Dravidian style both of which rise into promi-
nence more or less about the same time. It is generally held
that the rock-cut Raths at Mamallapuram and the other early
temples of that type must have been preceded by similar struc-
tures of less imperishable materials and the existence of this
style in India in and probably even bafore the 6th century
A. D. may therefore be regarded as a certain fact. While we
remember that Indians from the eastern part of India played
a prominent part in the colonisation of the Far East, and also
the great extent to which Indian civilisation had influenced that
of Champa, we need not hesitato to trace the origin of Cham
style to Indian temples at Badami, Cbnjeeveram and
Mamallapuram — particularly as this part of India "was the
km.. --. • . * ,.--J>.^*.l... ,^*.~ »..,. -fr..,. ,.,...!»
1. cf. Fergusson, History of Indian and Eastern Architecture,
Vol. I Bk. Ill, Chaps, III- VII . .> .
274 ARCHITECTURE AND SCULPTURE
nearest by way of sea to the kingdom of Champa. It is quite
true that the Chams did not blindly imitated the Indian proto-
types and added new elements of their own, but the fact that
their style was throughout based upon the essential and cha-
racteristic features of Indian style, seems to be beyond question.1
As regards Cham sculpture and iconography, their strik-
ing agreements with the Indian style in both essential and non-
essential elements have been shown in the preceding pages,
and nobody has doubted or can possibly doubt their Indian
origin. As to the relative excellence of the two, opinions
might, of course, differ. Both were dominated by religious
ideas and the aesthetic sense of the artists in both countries
had to be sacrificed in a considerable degree to his religious pre-
conceptions. But even within this limitation Indian artists
evolved what may be called high class of art even when judged
from a purely aesthetic point of view. Whether the Chams were
able to do this, at least to the same extent, may be doubted. M.
Parmentier, however, thinks otherwise and prefers the works of
Chams to those of the Indians as purer works of art.
1* I reserve, for separate treatment, a full discussion of the
question involved. Here I merely indicate the conclusions
which 1 shall try to prove by means of copious illustrations
in a succeeding volume. It will be beyond the scope of the
present work to go into technical details and produce illus-
trations for a comparative study which alone can lead to a
decisive conclusion. For the present I rest content by mere-
ly stating my views, and I hope my readers and critics will
bear this in mind in forming a judgment on this portion of
my book.
INDEX.
(Ca= Capital; Co=Ccrantry; dy=dynasty; K=King;
Km = Kingdom ; pr —province ; t » town ; tr = tribe )
157 I Tin
V.
After the last pages of the honk were printed off I have
come across an article of H. I'armontier "Origiue commune
des Architectures Hindoues dan, 1 Mnde et en Extreme Ori-
ent" puhliBhed in "Etudos Asiati4ueS" in which Parmeutier
1ms considerably modified his views on the origin of Cham
architecture. H« now admits an Indian origin as I have con-
tended on pp. 273-4, but instead of deriving the Cham tem-
ples from Mamallapuram llarhs or similar structures 119
traces the origin of all these to primitive Buddhist structures
specially the many-storied MnjMr.uvi* built of wood or
perishable materials.
Ban-La Tra Toan. A, 142ff
t 'Bbadravarman I kt 27ft'. 36,
181,1^232.
D° "' 56'2ia
Do III, 63ff. 184.
1)0 IV' 81'
Occupation oft> 223ff.
Industry of 224ff.
p
Popwar
INDEX-
(Ca= Capital; Co=Cotmtry ; dy=dynasty; K^King;
Km=Kingdoin; pr —province ; t«town; tr=tribe)
Abhisekanama, 157.
Agni, 155, 202.
Ajfia Jayendrapati, 64, 154,
218.
5ina Mahasamatrta, 64, 217.
Ajfift NarendraNrpavitia, 64,
218, 233.
Amaravatl. pr, 27, 9Sff, 108ff.
135, 145, 148.
A-Nan, 127ff.
Anh Hoang, ft, 124ff.
Anh Ton, fc, 122ff.
Annam, Co, I4ff, 68ff., 98,
11 Iff, 120ff, ISOff. 139ff, 143tf.
Apsaras, 203.
Arab, 74, 102.
Architecture, 235ff.
ArdhanArl, 189.
Arthe^vara, 202.
Asuras, 191,200,203.
Auroueseau, 15, 19, 20.
Austronesian, 11. 226.
Aymonier, 177, 190.
Bal Chanar, 146, 261 ff.
Ban-La Tra-Nguyet, fc, 142.
Ban-La Tra Toan. kt 142ff.
V Bhadravarman I kt 27ft*. 36,
181, 184, 232.
Do II, 56, 210.
Do III, 63tf. 184.
Do IV, 81.
Do V.
BhadreS varasvami 27 , 36.
Bhadre^varavarman, 41 ff, 215.
Bharga v<iy a, 1 60.
Bhrgu, 56ffr59, 181.
Bo Tri Tri, fe, 145.
Brahma 169, I70ff., 175, 177,
197tfr247.
Brahma-Ksatriya, 36, 215ff.
Brahmanas 155, 156, 2l4tf.
Brbaspati, 202.
Buddha, 170 ; mm** of, 208ff ;
figures of', 211ff, 264ff.
Buddhism, 169, 208ff.
Cambodge. 66,77,80,84,
94ff. 103tf, 138.
Candra 155, 201.
Cauton, Ca, 14.
Carauas, 174, 2Q3.
Castes, 214ff.
Cave architecture, 259ff.
Cha-Kou-Pou-Lo, k, 14(5.
Cham, tr, 11, 16ff, faes* of,
. 220tf.
Occupation oft, 223ff.
, Industry of, 224ff.
Women, 225ff.
Marriage,
Popular
o/, 2S8ff. funeral
cwemony, 230fF.
Che Bong Nga,ft, 129ff , 145,
152.
Che-houang-ti, 13, 14, 16.
Che Nang, 125ff.
Chinese, wars 25, 29, 37.
Cupid, 158, 174, 175, 193.
Daityas. 203.
Da$anana, 13.
DaSaratha, 13.
Devaraja Mahasenapati, 78ff.
Devavarman, Jct 33.
Dharanmdravarman II, ft, 103.
Dharma^&stras. 1 50.
Divine Judgment, 151,
Dong Duong, t, 19,211, 24Si'f.
Duong Long temples, 256-257,
Dvapara,22, 50,184, 206, 207.
Fan Chen Tcheng, ft, 31.
Fan Fo, k, 25
Fan-Hiong, ft, 23.
Fan Houta, ft, 25ff.
Fan Tang-Ken Tch'ouen, ft,
32.
Fan Tchen Long, ft, 39.
Fan Tchou Nong, ft, 33.
Fan Teou Li, k, 38ff.
Fan Tien Kai, ft, 33.
Fan Wen, k, 23, 24, 152.
Fan Wen K' ouan, ft. 33.
Fan Wen Tsan, ft, 33.
Fan Yang Mat, ft, 29.
Fan Yang Mai !!,&, 29tt,
Fan Yen, 17,
Fan Y5, ft, 23.
Finot, 41, 58. 104, 177.
Fortifications, 261ff.
Fou Nan, Co, 23, 32, 38.
Galathee, 146, 222
Gandharvas, 203.
Ganesa 190ff.
Gangaraja, ft. 29, 35, 163,
Garuda, 158, 194, 196, 198,
268, 269.
Han, dy, 14, 22
Hanoi, Cat 14.
Harideva, 97.
Harijit, ft, 116ff.
Harijitatmaja, fc, 124ff.
Harivarman I, ft, 52ff, 187,
'Do II, ft, 72ff,
Do III, ft, 75, 149
Do IV, ft. 84 ff, 90, 150,
160, 248.
Do V, ft, 91ff
Do VI, ft, 96ff, 185, Ia8,
194, 215, 248
Do VII, ft, 101,
Ho Lai temples, 256
HoTonTinh, 13
, Houan Wang, 55
Hung Thanh temples, 256
I Indra, 155, 172, 200ff, 247
Indrapura, ca, 74, 135, 149,
250
Do , co 135
Indravarman I, ft, 51ff, 184,
8
215, 225
Do II, k, 56ff, 181, 205,
206, 209 210, 225, 250
Do III,/;, 64!f, 187, 232ff.
IV, k, 72
V, k, 88ff , 150, 182
VI, k, 93ff
VII, MOlff, 150,182,
185, 188, 213, 232
VIII, k, 106ff
IX, k, 107
X, k, 113
XI, k, 114ff, 185, 197
XII, k, 134ff
I^anavarman, kt 40
I-twing, 210
Jagaddharrna, 40ff
Java, 122, 126, 224
Jaya Indravarman — seelndra-
varman
Jaya ParameSvaravarman, k,
(see Parame>varavarman)
Jaya ^aktivarman, k, 62ff
Jaya Simhavarman l,k, GOff,
184
Do IU 75ff
III, k, 114, 185
IV, k, 122ff, 227, 256
V, fc, 133ff
Jayavarman,& 32,
Do 106,
Je-nan, 12, 15, 16, 24,
Kali, 39, 207
Kamandakiya, 154
Kandarpadharma, k, 38ff
Karttika, 191ff, 198
Kftsyapa, 203
Kauthara,£>r, 21, 49, 145, 149,
187
Kautilya, 154
Kiao-tche, pr , 14, 15, 16, 22,
30, 36, 68
Kieou-tchen, pr, 14, 15, 16, 69
Kinnaraa, 203
Kiratas, 11, 96, 98,
Kiu-lien, tr, 17, 18.
Kiu Lien, k. 18, 22,
Kiu-sou, 12, 22, 26, 30, 37,
123, 153, 261,
KoSa, 182
Koublai Khan, 115 ffi
Kou Lai, fc, 146
Krana, 193ff, 266
Krta, 206, 207
Ksatriya, 214ff
Kuvera, 45, 155, 202
La-khai, 132ff
Laksmi, 195ff, 199
Le Hoan, 71ff
Lieou Fang, 37ff, 69
Lingapuraiia, 175
Lin-yi, co 18
Lin-yi- ki, 12
Literature, 231ff
Ly Bon, 36, 69, 70
Ly Thanh Ton, fc, 81, 149
! Mada, 11, 97, 99
Mah&bharftta, 175, 232
Maha Qui Lai, ft, 139
Maha Vijaya, ft, 139ff
Mahayfaa, 210ff
Mahendravarman, ft, 38
Do ft, 124
Mandara 202
Manorathavarman, ft, 35, 36,
215
Manusamhita, 154, 155, 159,
233
Marco Polo, 122, 162
Maspero, 40, 49, 52, 89, 94,
104, 105, 152, 225, 229
Ma Youen, 69K.
Ming, dyt I29ff.
Mlecchas, 11
Mongol, 115!f. 127if
Myson, t, 19, 27, 240ff
Naga, 268, 269
Nagasena, Buddhist Bhikkhu,
32,
Nftgl 203
tfandin, 179,180, 190, 192,
265
Nan Yu«, Km, 14
'Nfifadlya, 150
N&ravahanavarriian, k, 45ff
t Khon Ton, fc, 120f f, 140if
! Nhutnam, 24, 25
;T?icblode Conti, 188
1 Ninh Sbang, ft, 125ff
1 Odoric do Pord^«one, 162, ^27
Minting, 271
ang^, pr.t 27, 49, 52ff,
7Gff, 87, 89, 95, 99, -145, 149
Par, 63M, 253
Paramabodhisattva, ft 88lf,
188
PaiameSvaravarman I, ft, 68,
71
Do II, ft, 75,
„ III, ft, 77H, 188, 225
IV, ft, lllff, 188, 197
Parmentier, 253, 257, 269ff
Pelliot, 15,
Phat Ma, ft, 75if
Pho Hai temples. 254
Po Bia 146,
Pho Chong, ft, 146
Po Dam temples, 255
Po Klon^ Gorai temples, 255
Po Nagara, 80ff, 89, 100, 112,
Ittff, 251ff
Po Rome temples, 255
Prabhasadharma,ft, 39ff, 215
Prakft^adharma; ft, 40ff, 181,
205, 248,
Pranave^vara, 202
Prthivlndravarman, -ft, 49ff ,
225
Purftna 169, 233ff
Puranartha 100, 233ff
Qui-Do, ft, 140ff
Rade, ' 97, 99
•Rftjadv&ra, 62ff, 219
Do ft, 87ff
Rajakula,
Rajapura Ca. 107
Raksasas, 203
Ramftyaua, 232
Randaiy, trt 11
Rudravarman I, fc, 35, 36, 215
Do II, fc, 47
III, t, 56ff, 64,
„ IV, 4, 81ff
„ V, i, 95, 194
Rudravarman Parama- Brah-
maloka, kt 95, 194
Sagatou, 116ff.
SakrSnta, fc, 114
Sakti, 174, 187ff
{§ambhuvarman, fc, 36 ft,
44, 181, 184, 195, 248
gankara, 96ff, 200 ff.
^aiikara-narayana 199
Sarasvati, 202
Sati rite, 162, 227
Satyakau^ikasvami, 40if, 215
Satyavarma, i, 50ff, 184, 206,
225, 253
Sculptures, 263ff
Siang, pr, 14, 15
Sianglin, 15, 18
Siddhas, 174, 203
Sikuan, 15, 26
Simhapura, 87
Simhavarman, fc, 124ff
&va, 27, 79, 169if, 198, 211
- names oft 171
- conception of, 172ff
- Worship of, 177H
- Figures of, 177ff,
Slavery, 150, 224ft
Sri Banoy 81, 119, 261ff.
Sri Mara k 21, 22, 23.
gritonabhadregvara, 80, 86ff,
92, 94, 99ff, 109, 112ff, 138,
170, 181ff.
Surya, 201, 247
Suryadevi, 188, 190
Surya Jayavarinadeva, 107
Suryavarman, k, 94fE
Do. lOGff
Tan Ho Tche, 30, 37,
Tchai-ya-Ma-Fou-Ngan, k 146
Tchou-ko-Ti, fc, 39ff.
Than-hoa, ca,, 14, 15, 25, 121,
132
Ti Kai, fc, 28
Ti-Tcheu, fc, 28, 35
Tonkin, 14, 16, 22
Tou-Houei-tou, 25,
Tra Hoa Bo De, fc, 128
Tra-kieu, ca, 19, 20
Tripura, 175
Tsin Dynasty, 13
Upamanyu, 175
Uroja, 22, 56, 59, 93, 100,
181, 182, 2C6
VanftntareSvara, 202
Vansaraja, k, 98.
Varuua 155, 200
Vasuki, 195, 200, 202
Vedas, 28, 232, 234
Vicitrasagara, &, 22, SO, 94,
206, 207, 253 Virapnra, *, 51, 54, 97
203 Visnu 169ff, 172, 175, 1 'ft,
Vijiljrfc; p+, 27, 72, 96, 145, 149 ' ' i93ff, I98ff
Vijifra, ,«a; 72, 74, 76, 82, yrlas, irt 11
95, 97, 107ff, 131, 18*14* Wen==FaQ Wen fc> q. v.
Tijayafii.ft, 74ff, Taksas, 174,203
Vijajravarman, kt 33, 35 Yama, 155, 201
ViltifcntaVarman I, k, 40ff, 181 Yavadvlpa, 153
205, 248. Yavanaa, 98ff.
Vikrantavarman II, k, 46 ff, Yue, tr, 14, 16, 69.
195 Yuvaraja MahSsenapati, 78ff,
Vikrftntavarman III, fc, 52 ff, 86
58, 161, 184 Yuvar&ja Mnagahua oji Dhana-
Vikrtotavarman IV, k, 75ff. pati, k> 109f£
BOOK III.
THE INSCRIPTIONS OF
CHAMPA.
PREFATORY REMARKS.
I. As regards the serial number of kings bearing the
same name, some discrepancy will be noticed between tho
headings of Inscriptions and the historical account given in
Part I. This is due to the fact that headings of inscriptions
have been mostly kept identical with those in the original
publications, while a different and independent arrangement has
been followed in Part L* Thus Indravarman and Jaya Ind*
ravarmari have been usually regarded as two distinct nam^p,
whereas the two have been treated as the same in Part I for
reasons given on p. 65. The following table shows th:? name as
given in i ascription-headings and historical account in parallel
columns.
Nos. of Name in
Inscriptions. Inecription-headinga
29, 30. Vikrautavarman II
47. Jaya Indravarman I
51. Harivarman I
52-58 Jaya ParameSvara-
varman I
60. Rudravarman III
61. Harivarman II
65. Jaya Indravarman II
t8. Harivarma-deva III
69, 71. Jaya Indravarman III
72-78. Jaya Harivarman I
79-83. Jaya Indravarman IV
Name in
Part I.
Vikrantavarman III
Indravarman III
Harivarman II
Jaya PararaeSvara-
vanaan III
Rudravarman IV
Harivarman IV
Jaya Indravarman V
Harivarman V
Jaya Indravarman VI
J»ya Harivarman VI
Jaya Indravarman VII
*Tbe original idea was to publish only the inscriptions in
separate volume and they were printed before Part I.
ii
Nos. of Name in Name in
Inscriptions. Inscription-headings. Part I.
85-93. Jaya Paramesvaravar- Jaya Paramo^ vara-
man II varmaii IV
94, 95. Jaya Indravarman V Jaya Indravarman X
100, 104. 1 Jaya Simhavarraan II Jaya Siiahavarman III
106-109. / or Indravarman IV or Indravarman XI
110-116. Jaya Simhavarman III Jaya Simhavarman IV
122. Indravarman ludravarman XII
II. The attention oi the reader is drawn to a lew serious
printing mistakes in the following pages.
Page. Line. Incorrect. Correct.
122. 3. Rudravarman III Bhadravarman III
135, 2. Add after the word " illustrious" in line
2 " King £ri Jaya ^aktivarman, son of the
illustrious. "
157. 17. 972. 986.
215. 13. Indravarman IV Indravarman XI
224. 3. Of Jayasimhavarman IV 'of Nauk Glaun
Vijaya.
III. Please omit the Roman figures at the beginning of
the headline of the Inscriptions Nos. 40, 77, 78 and 82.
BOOK III
The Inscriptions of Champa.
No. (Ins. -Inscription) Pago
I. Vo-Chanh Rock Ins. l
2-3 Cho Dinh Rock Ins. 3
4. Myson Stelae Ins. of Bhadravarraan 4
5. Chiem-Son Rock Ins. &
G. Hon-Cue Stone Ins. 9
7. Myson Stelae Ins. of Sambhuvarraan (J
8. Hue Stelae Ins. 13
9. Tra-Kieu Rock Ins. of Prakasadharina 13
10. Thach-Bich Rock Ins. of Prak&sadharma 15
II. Duong Mong Pedestal Ins. of Praka^adharma 15
12. Myson Stelae Ins. of Praka^adharrna dated 579Saka l(j
13. Myson Stelae Ins. of Praka-adharma 26
14. Myson Pedestal Ins. of Praka^adharma 27
15. Lai Cham Ins. of PrakiUadharma 28
16. Myson Stelae Ins. of Vikrantavarman I dated 609
gaka. 28
17. Myson Stelae Ins. of Vikrftntavarman I 31
18. Myson Stelae Ins. of Vikrantavarman I ' 36
19. Myeon Pedestal Ins. of Vikrantavarman I 36
20. Myson Stelae Ins. of Vikrantavarman II dated 63 X 37
21. Myeon Stelae Ins. of Vikrantavarman II dated
653 S'aka 38
22. Po Nagar Stelae Ins. of king Satyavarman dated
706 6aka 41
23. Yang Tikuh Sfcelae Ins. of Indravarman I dated
723 gaka 44
24.a \ Glai Lamov Stelae Inscriptions of Indrav&rman I
24.b J dated 723 3aka 51
25. Po Nagar Temple Ins. of Harivarman I dated
735&aka 61
ii
26. Po Nagar Temple Ins. of Harivarman I dated 735
gaka «1
27* Glai Klong Anoh Stelae Ins. of Harivarman dated
7x x 65
28. Bakul Stelae Ins. dated 751 £aka, 65
29.A,B,C. Po Nagar Stetae Ins. of Vikrantavarman III 67
80. Po Nagar Stelae Ins. of Vikrantavarman III dated
776 gaka 71
31. Dong Duong Stelae Ina of Indravarman II dated 797
Saka 74
32. Bo Mang Stelae Ins. of Indravarman II dated 811
Saka 89
33. Pliu Thuan Stelae Ins. of Indravarman II 92
34. Bo Mang Stelae Ins. of Jay a Simhavarman I 93
35. Ban-lanh Stelae Ins. of Jay a Simhavarman I
dated 820 Saka 94
36. Dong Duong Stelae Ins. of Jaya Simhavarman I 98
37. An-Thai Stelae Ina. dated 824 £aka 105
38. The Chau-ga Stelae Ins. of Jaya Simhavarman I
dated 825 gaka 109
39. Hoa- Que Stelae Ins. of Bhadravarman III dated 831
gaka 111
40. Lac Thanh Fragmentary Stelae Ins. of Bhadravarman
III, dated 832 gaka 121
41. Phu-Luong Stelae Ins. of Bhadravarman III date I
83x gaka 122
42. Bang- An Stelae Ina of Bhadravarman III 125
43. Nhan Bieu Stelae Ina of Indravarman III dated 833
Saka 129
44. Ha Trung Stelae Ins. of Indravarman III, dated
838 Saka 137
45. Fo Nagar Stelae Ins. of Indravarman III
dated 840 gaka 138
46. Lai Trung Stelae Ins. of Indravarman III
dated 843 (?)gaka 139
47. Po Nagar Stelae Ins. of Jaya Indravarman III dated
887 gaka 148
iii
,8. Po Nagar Temple Ina 144 /
t9. Do. Do.
>0. Do. Do.
51, Myson Stone Ina of Harivarman JJL dated 913 Saka 145
>2. Po Klauii Oarai Bock Ins. of Paramelvaravarman
III dated 972 Saka. ' 145 '
>3. Do. 147
>4. Do.
>5. Po Nagar Temple Ins. of ParameSvaravarman III
dated 972 Saka...
56. Lai Cham Ins. of' Parame£varavarman III dated 977
Saka... 154
57. Phu-Qui Temple Ins. of Parame£varavarman III
dated 977 Saka 154
58. Po Nagar Temple Ins. of Parameg varavarman III 156
>9. Mysou Pillar Ins. dated 978 Saka
50. Po Nagar Temple Ins. of Rudravarman IV dated
986 Saka 157
51. Myson Fragmentary Pillar Ins. of Harivarman IV L59
32. Myson Stelae Ina dated 1003 Saka. D61
53. Myson Fragmentary Pillar Ins. of Paramabodhisattva
dated 1003 Saka... 168
64. Po Nagar Temple Ins. of Paramabodhisattva dated
1006 Saka 168
B5. Myson Stone Slab Ins. of Indravarman V dated 1010
Saka. 169
66. Po Nagar Temple Ins. 173
67. Huong Que Stelae Ins. dated 1033 Saka 175
68. Myson Stone Ins. of Harivarmadeva V
dated 1036 Saka 175
69. Myson Pillar Ins. of Indravarman VI dated 062 1
Saka 176
70. Myson Pedestal Ins. dated 1062 6aka. 177
71. Po-Nagar Temple Ina of Indravarman VI dated
1065 Saka 177
72. Myson Stelae Ins. of Harivarman VI 17ft
73; Myaon FiUar Ins. of Harivarmait'Vl .
74.' Myaon Stelae Ins. of Harivarman VI dated 7079 &ka
75. Batau Tablah Ins, of Harivarman VI
dated 708« gaka «.,-,,., , _> .
76. Po Nagar Temple Ins. of Harivarman VI dated <
7080 gaka * 94
77. Hoa-mi Fragmentary Rock Ins. of Harivarman VI 79£
78. Myson Temple Ins.
79. Myson Temple Ins. of Indra.vp.raan VII . 4- „
80! Po Nagar Temple Ins. of Indravarman VII dated
7089 gaka. *
SI. Myson Stelae Ins, of Indravarman VII dated
1092 gak*.
89. An Thuan Stelae Ins. of Indravarman VII #00
83. Do
84. Myson Pillar Ins. dated 112$ Saka t
85. Po Nagar Tiemple Ins. of Parame^varavarman IV
dated 7748 gaka
86. Chp-dinh Pillar Ins. of ParameSvaravarman IV
dated 7748 6aka 206
87. Myson Temple Ins. dated 775« ^aka ^07
88. Po Nagar Temple Ins. of Parame£varavarman IV
dated 7755 gaka £07
89 Chodinh Temple Ins. of Parame^varavarman IV
d^tod 7755 £aka ,
90. Myson Temple Ins. of Paratne$varavarman IV
dated 7756 $Saka. .
97. Lomugoeu Stelae Ins. of Parame£varavarman IV
9g. Phanrang Pillar Ina of Param^varavarman IV £09
93. Kim Choua Ina of Parame^varavarman IV
94. Myson PilUr Ina. of Indravarman X dated
7765 gaka $10
95. Myson Pillar Ins. of Indravarman X 91 J
9& Phanrang Lintei .Ina dated 7/66 l^aka
97. Po Nagar Temple Ins. of princess Suryadevi
, dated 7778 Saka ^ . .
98. Po Nagar Temple Ina of pritteess Suryadevi #74
99. Fo Nagar Vase Ins. of Sakrftnta dated 7779 Saka
700. Bronze Vase Ina of Jaya Simbavarman III
dated 7787 gaka 274
707. Pilaster Ins. 275
702. Choek Yang Stelae Ins. dated 7785 gaka 275
703. Kiem Ngoc Stelae Ins. dated 7787 Saka 276
704. Batau Tablah Ina of Jaya Siiuhavarinan III 076
705. Po Nagar Temple Ins. dated 7789 Saka
706. Phanran Lintel Ins. of Indravarman XI dated
7796 Saka.
707. Yang Kur Im. of Indravarman XI dated 7000 gaka S18
708. Po Nagar Temple Ins. of Indravarman XI #78
709. Po Nagar Stela* Ins. of Indravarman XI 279
170. Po Sah Fragmentary Stelae Ins. of Jaya Simha-
varman IV dated 7228 Saka
777-775. Po Klong Gorai Ins. of Jaya Shahavarinan IV
776. Tali Temple Ins. of Jaya Siuihavarman IV ##7
777. Binh Dinh Gate Ins. of Vlra Bhadravarman dated
73<# gaka. ««.
US. Cheo-Reo Ins. of Visuu-Jatti Vlra Bhadravarman
dated 7337 Saka ' ' SSB
779. Cheo-Reo Ins. of Vlra Bhadravarman ftS8
7£0. Phuoc-thinh Stelae Ins. dated 7333 Saka ##3
7£7. Bien Hoa Visim Image Ins. of Nauk Glauh Vijaya
dated 7343 £aka
722. Nui Ben Lang Stelae Ina. of Indravarmau XII
dated 735£ ^aka 225
183. Ron Buddhist Inscription 225
724. Phu-Luong Fragmentary Stelae Inscription 226
725. Dong Duong Temple Ins. 226
726. Khanh Tho Doug Buddhist Ina. 226
727. Ban Metruot Stone Ins. 227
72S. Myfioii Pillar Ins. 227
729. La-Tho Silver Plate Ins. 227
730. La-Tho Silver Jug Ics. 227
No. 1. Vo-Chanh Rock Inscription.
The inscription was edited by Bergaigne ( Corpus. No.
XX, p. 191 ), and further commented upon by M. Finot (B. E.
F., Vol. XV, Ko. 2, ]>. 3).
The inscription is engraved on two faces of a block of
Cranite, found close to the village of Vo-Chanh in the province
of Khaiih-Hoa. It contains fifteen lines of writing in the
iirst face, and seven lines of writing on the second face. As
these last are line by line continuations of lines 8-14 of the
iirst i'ace, it appears that the first seven lines of the second
face are lost. Very little, however, remains of the first seven
lines of the first face. The inscription is composed in Sanskrit,
and may be referred, on palaeographic grounds, to the third or
second century A. 1). There are t\vo verses in Vtwintntilakd
metre, and the rest is in prose.
The inscription records the donation made by a king be-
longing to the family of Sri Mara,
TEXT.
1. Bergaigne reads: Wf^H . The above reading is that
of Finot. It is no doubt the last portion of the word f 1
2. Finot Suggests '
3. Finot Suggests ' ^
ST T^RJS* *RT
TT
TRANSLATION.
(6) Mercy for the people ............
(7) First conquest .....................
(tS) Ordered by the excellent king in the assembly, on the
full-moon day ( 'I ).
(9) Let them drink the nectar of the words oi kings.
(10-11) Royal family of Sri Mfira ............ He who is the
delight of the family of Sri Mara, and conversant with
the ways of the world, being seated on the throne, said
(the following) words, beneficial to the people, in the
midst of his own kinsmen, (12) after having satisfied his
sons, brothers and kinsmen (?) by enjoying wealth in
common with them.8
(13) " Whatever silver, gold, movable and immovable proper-
ty and stores (of grain ?) that I possess,
1. !W is doubtful.
2. Finot reads ' fl^S ' — apparently a slip for ft*l^ which is
clear on the estampa^e.
3. 1 do not understand the meaning of the word ' ^ftlfc^W '
and 3l*i%3> • The last, used along with sons and brothers, seems
to denote 'kinsmen' or 'relatives'. Bergaigne takes it in the sense of
A no one else7, but the use of the plural ' 3^5 ' in the absolute con-
struction compels us to reject this view. That participle, being in
the plural, requires at least one more subject other than *
and '3%'.
3
(14) All that I consecrate to those who are dear and near to
me. This is my commandment, and the future kings
also should
(15) approve of it. Be it known to my heroic servant (or
servant called Vlra ).
Nos. 2 and 3. Cho Dinh Rock inscriptions.
These inscriptions were edited by M. Bergaigne (Corpus
No. XXI, p. 190), and commented upon by Finot (B. K F.,
Vol. II, p. 186).
The inscriptions are engraved on a rock, situated in the
village oi" Nhan-thap, in th^ province of Phil-yen, to the north
of cape Varella. Cho Dinh is really the name of a market-
place in the neighbourhood.
No. 2 contains 3 lines, and No. M, one short line, in Sans-
krit prose. The characters seem to be very ancient and may
be referred to about 400 A. D.
No. 2 contains the name of king Bhadravarman and
refers to a sacrifice ottered to Siva, called Bhadresvarasvamin,
by Maharaja Bhadravarman or one of his descendants.
No. 3 probably refers to human sacrifice, but it is not
certain. Both the inscriptions seem to belong to the same age,
and were probably written by the same individual.
TEXT.
No. 2.
1. Read
2. Read * ^ '•
J?r*r
TKAXSLAT10X.
No. 2.
Reverence to (Jod ! By the favonr of the feet of the
BhadreSvarasvarnin I shall make t.hee agreeable to Fire ( i. v.
sacrifice tliee ). So long as the Sun and the Moon endure, he
( Agni ) will save the sons and grandsons of Dharma- Maharaja
8rl Bhadravarman. May the work ( sacrifice ) be successful
through the grace of the earth.
Xo. :».
Siva,1 the slave, is hound ( to the post ).
No. 4. My-son Stelae Inscription of
Bhadravarman.
The inscription was edited by M. Finot ( B. E. F.} Vol. II,
p. 187 ).
The village of Mv-son, containing vestiges of many
monuments of the past, is in the district of Quang Nam (for
detailed accounts of the ruins of My-son, cf. B. E. F. Vol. IV,
p. 805). The inscription, engraved on two faces of a stelae in
front of the large temple of My-son to the east, contains 21
lines of writing. The language is Sanskrit, and the inscrip-
tion is written throughout in prose. There are, however, mis-
takes in spelling and grammar.
The inscription records the donation of lands to the God
BhadreSvara. Although the author of the inscription speaks
of himself in the first person, and refers to king Bhadra-
1 . Bwrgaigne takes the word * Siva 7 as an adjective to * dS&tt '»
and translates it as 'auspicious' (propitiatoire).
varman in the third person, it is clear from lines 5 and 11,
that the endowment was given by the king himself.
As the God Siva is called 'Bhadre^vara, it would follow
that the temple was also founded by Bhadravarman. For it
was a well known usage in these countries to designate Siva
by a term composed of the first part of the king's name and
the word Isvara. It may be argued, of course, that the temple
was founded by a predecessor of the king, also called Bhadra-
varman. But the endowment of lands, consisting practically
of the entire valley in which the temple is situated, precludes
this idea,- — for if there had been a temple already in possession
of any part of these territories, the fact would have been
mentioned.
Judging from the number and beauty of temples which
once surrounded the shrine, and the many endowments that
have b^en made to it by successive kings, the temple of
Bhadre^vara seems to have enjoyed a very high prestige in
Champa.
TEXT.
(a,).
( 3 )
) (y) ^T
^f ) (vs)
1. The 5*R is doubtful.
-. The passage is corrupt. Apparently the writer intended
to say "^fe§ Sfcf Wi ?!^M.
;{. This is the corrected reading of. B. E. F. Vol. XVIII,
No. 10, p. 14.
fir ......
(f )
TTT
^*H
^<4"
II
TRANSLATION.
(a).
(1) Pei'fection has been attained. Reverence to Malie-
£vara and to Uma ......... (2) to Brahma and to Visim. Rever-
ence to the Earth, Wind, Sky, Water (3) and fifthly, the Fire.
1. Read
3. Read
f>. Read
7. About l(i aksaras.
9. Read
a. Read
4. Read ^;-
6- About 27 aksaras.
8. About 18 aksaras.
Having saluted them I wish all eminent people to note the
following: That with a view to (4) atone for all evil deeds,
and to perform good and virtuous work,1 and having realised
the destiny of human life,2 a perpetual endowment has been
given to Bhadresvara by our king Bhadravarman, who is de-
voted to the feet of Bhadres varasvami : To wit, ( 6-7 ) the
land within (the boundaries viz.) Sulaha mountain in the
east, the great mountain in the south, the Kucaka mountain
in the west and the Great River in the north, together with
its inhabitants, has been given. (8) The (royal share of the)
revenue consisting of a sixth of the produce, but reduced,
through the favour of the Lord ( king ? or the owner of the
temple to which land is gixen V) to one-tenth, is to be given
to the God. If what is written above is not done for the God
by anybody, (9) the fruit of merits, acquired by him since
his very birth, belongs to Bhadravarman. But if somebody
plunders, or destroys it by force, then (10) the people are
exempt from guilt which falls upon that man alone. To the
king, versed in the four Vedas, and to his (11) officers and
other people, I declare : Out of compassion for me don't des-
troy my gifts.
<!>).
(I) If you destroy it, all your good deeds in your different
births shall be mine, (2) and all the bad deeds done by me
shall be yours. If, on the contrary, you properly maintain
1. Tliis portion of the text is not quite intelligible, but the
above rendering socins to bring out the sense intended to bo con-
veyed.
2. Finot translates " ways of man ". For the use of the word
'adhvan' in the above sense cf. Durmarara purusheneha manye
adhvanyanagate. (Mahiibhiirata, Agvamedhaparvan ch. 80, v. 24.
Bombay Edition).
(the endowment), (3) the merit shall belong to you (alone).
I again declare [ the broken fragments in Lines 4-8 do
not yield any sense ] (9) he who maintains, the merit belongs
to him. He who does not maintain but destroys, will himself
be destroyed (10) Bhadre^varasvami knows.
No. 5. Chiem-Son Rock inscription*
The inscription was edited by Finot (B. E. R, Vol. XVIII,
No. 10, p. 18 ). It is engraved on a rock, overhanging the
river 8ong-Thu-bon, a little to the east of My-soii. It contains
four lines, and describes the boundaries of the templw of
Bhadreavara. To the east, ' Sulaha mountain', — to the south,
the Great (mountain), — to the west, Kucaka mountain, — and to
the north, the Grand River /. f. Song-Thu-Bon. The writing
belongs to the period oi' Bhadravarman ( 5th century A. 1). ).
Although similar boundaries are given in two other in-
scriptions (Xos. 4 and 7), the northern boundary is given here
for the first time. It shows that the boundaries given are
not those of My-son circle, but of the dominions belonging to
the temple.
TEXT.
Comparing the above with the relevant portions of Nos,
4 and 7, we may restore the text as follows:
H
1. Finot former! JT road it .is * 5^^ but later on suggested
the reading * ?<^H '• He takes it as an indigenous word meaniug
* the august mountains*.
9
TRANSLATION.
To the east, the Sulaha mountain, to the south, the Great
mountain, to the west, Kucoka mountain, to the north the
Great River.
No. 6. Hon-Cuc Stone Inscription.
The inscription was noticed by Aymonier (J. A. 1896
part I, p. 149), and edited by Finot ( B. E.-F. Vol. II, p. 186).
It was engraved on a rock called Hon-Cuc near the vil-
lage of Chim-Sori in the province of Quang-Nam. It contains
two lines in Sanskrit, and probably belongs to the time of
king Bhadravarman.
TEXT.
TRANSLATION.
Reverence to the August Mahadeva Bhadre3varasvami
by bowing down the head in obeisance.
No. 7. My son Stelae Inscription of
i
Sambhuvarman.
The inscription was edited by M. Finot ( B. E. F. Vol. Ill,
p. 206 ) without any translation.
For localities cf. No. 4. It is engraved on a stelae
close to the one containing No. 4, and is practically a continu-
ation of the latter. It contains 24 lines of writing in Sans-
krit. There are three verses in itianddkrdntd metre. The
rest is in prose.
The inscription refers to two kings Sri Rudravarman and
his successor ( probably also son ) Sambhuvarman. During
the reign of the first, in the year four hundred and ............
(the tenth and unit figures being lost), the temple of the God
10
of Gocls, i. e. the one erected by Bhadravarman I for Bhad-
reSvara ( cf. No. 4 ), was destroyed by an incendiary. But
king Sambhuvarman re-installed the God under the name
Sambhu-Bhadresvara (apparently so called after the original
founder of the temple and its restorer ). The inscription also
confirms the grant of land made originally in No. 4.
TEXT.
rn ^ tn<4 ^i KI 1 5< a&un
(8.)
(W)
1. Read
2.
11
WClVlWtli
;n?rT
TRANSLATION.
( Fragmentary passages not conveying a complete sense
are mostly left out. )
(1) .................. of Gaugesa.
(2) ......... of qualities ......... carrying weighty burdens
(3) King ( Sri Ru )dravarman.
During the reiga of that Rudravarman, the ornament
of the Brahma-Ksatriya family, (4) while four hundred (and
......... ?) years of the $akas had elapsed, the temple of the
God of Gods was burnt by fire.
1. The W is not distinct. 2. Read
12
(5-6) The God with trident,1 the controller of cre-
ation, maintenance and dissolution ; who, though not un-
friendly, yet burnt (i c. destroyed) all forms including Gods;
who is unblemished and by nature both a knower as well as
an object of knowledge ;2 is one fixed cause of the universe,
the preceptor of the three worlds, and knower of all things.
(7) Of Budravarman who has ascended to heaven by
the abundance of his virtues in the Saka year .........
(10) Having Sri Sambhuvarman as the coronation name.
(11) who, a Sun in earth, is famous for his prowess.
(12) Whose name is Sri Pra£astadharma [dindika3].
(13) Possessing excellent qualities he shines like the
moon of autumn evening.
(15-17) [ Astronomical details. ]
(18-19) Then Sambhu-Bhadresvara was established by
Sambhu-Varman, accompanied by Durvvalirambhasami, the
priest, and Jfttarupa who is entitled to foremost seat of
honour.4
(19-21) May this Sambhu-BhadroSvara— by whom, by
his own prowess, the three worlds, bhuh, bhuvah and wah
have baen created, by whom the sin of the world has
been removed even as darkness is expelled by fire, whose
glory is unthinkable in this world, who has neither beginning
nor end — (may He) cause happiness in the kingdom of
Champa.
1. Here sixth ease-ending is used for the first.
2. Tf. Glta 4t%TJ'fa %?!« <H*qiR cW flcft
3. Finot takes f^KF^F* as an ascetic, and is inclined to
the view that Pra^a^tadharma was his religious name as opposed to
the coronation name. Most probably PraSastadharma was his ordi-
nary name as opposed to coronation name.
4. This is the only interpretation ot 1. 18 that occurs to me.
13
(21) Again, the land, with its people, which was given
as perpetual (endowment) by king Bhadravarman (22) is
bounded by Sullaha mountain in the east, the Great moun-
tain in the south, Kucaka mountain in the west,
(23) tenth part is to be given by the people who live in the
land
(24) This endowment is to be maintained, not destroyed.
No. 8. Hue Stelae Inscription.
It is mutilated and contains only the last seven lines of
a Sanskrit Inscription. It contains an imprecation against
those who would destroy the endowments given by
Varman, king of Champfi, to the God Kandarpa-Puresvara.
As Bhavapura was the name of the capital of Bhavavar-
man of Cambodge, and Indrapura, that, of Indravarman of
Champa, so Kandarpapura might be the name of the capital
in the time of Kandarpadharma. The inscription may there-
fore be referred to Kandarpadharma or one of his successors,
and the capital of this king may be looked for in the
neighbourhood of Hue.
B. E. F., Vol. XI, p. 259.
No. 9- Tra-kieu Rock Inscription of
Prakasadharma.
The inscription was edited by M. Huber(B. E. F., Vol. XI,
p. 263). It is engraved on one face of a cubic block of stone
found at Tra-kieu in the province of Qnang-Nam. It con-
tains four lines of writing. The language is Sanskrit. The
inscription is written throughout in verse, and contains 2
stanzas in Arya metre.
The inscription refers to some gifts of king Sri PrakaSa-
dharma, king of Champa, in honour of king Kandarpa-
dharma, the father of his great-grandmother (grandfather's
mother ).
TEXT
TRANSLATION.
(1) The power1 (lance) of other (kings), even when aided
by much dreaded political expedients like danda ( punish-
ment) and bhed(t (disunion) — (even when applied with such
force as to make the staff of the lance liable to break) — is not
able to crush the enemy. There is, however, a king, who,
like Kumara, breaks through all his enemies, without fear
and unaided by the political expedients of danda (punish-
ment), and bheda (disunion) — ( without wielding the lance
so powerfully as to break it).
(2) He, Sri Praka^adharmma, established this pair of
hatakas1 in honour of king Kandarpadharrna, the father
of his great-grandmother (grandfather's mother).
1. The word Sakti, and its adjectives, are throughout used in
ft double sense, as shown within the brackets.
2. The meaning of the word '5^' is unknown. The word
is probably ?l^, which is the name of a God cf. **\&W fll^lW in
the Skanda Puraua.
15
No. 10. Thach-Bich Rock Inscription of
•
Prakasadharma.
The inscription is engraved on a rock in a river-bed in
Thach-Bich in the district of Quang-Narn.
TEXT.
(^) SIT
TRANSLATION.
£rl Prakasadharma, king of Champa, always victorious,
master of the land, ..................... has installed here the God
Siva ( Amaresa ).
(As there is no room in the rock for a temple, possibly
the image referred to is a Liiiga. )
B. E. F., Vol. XI, p. 261.
No. 1 1. Duong-Mong Pedestal Inscription of
Prakasadharma.
The inscription is engraved on one side of a stone pedes-
tal at Duong-Mong in the district of Qnang-Nam.
TEXT.
TRANSLATION.
This temple of God Visnu Purusottarna, who is without
beginning or end, who is the preceptor of the whole world,
was built by the order of ftrl Paakasadharrna.
B. E. F., Vol. XI, p. 262.
16
12. My-son Stelae Inscription of Prakasa-
dharma, dated 579 Saka.
The inscription was edited by M. Finot (B. E. F. Vol. IV,
p. 918 — No. Ill ), and further commented upon by M. Coede.s
(B. E. F. Vol. XII,— No. 8, p. 15). (For localities etc. cf. No. 4).
It is engraved on two faces of a stelae and contains 55 lines
of writing. The language is Sanskrit. The first seven lines
are illegible. Then follow 30 verses, mixed with two pieces
of prose ; the metre being vv. 1, 20, 27, 30 Sardiilavikrldita ; 2,
9, 13, 17-19, 22, 26, 28, 29, Upajati ; 3, 4, 6, 7, 15, 16, Sloka ;
5, Vasantatilaka; 8, 24, Sikhariiu; 10, 25, MalinI ; 11, 12, 14,
21, 23, Arya.
The inscription records the donations made by king
Prakasadharma-Vikranta Varman to the Gods Tsanesvara,
Sambhu-Bhadres vara and Prabhase^vnra. It also gives the
genealogy of the king.
TEXT.
' * H w ^ H*M i ti^^H ( ^ — )
17
III gnpr 9ftf%*?f(
: II
I X
X
d
5? ft
: II
: a
VIII STHT ^ 4tr«4 ^T44| o4 4rl «1 ^^ r| :
5 II
1. Bead * flVt '• 2. Read
' '
18
XIII --
XVII (**) --
XV III
xix
X I V
^ ^ ^fir ^jefwft^hsfRfrt *f — 11
XV
XVI
XX (>j rf^r ^fr
1. The word commences with an '^-^BK\ Probably it is
19
XXI ^T sft
XXII
XXIII
XXIV
i%U>
?pTr <4^ii<iMi
T
XXV (^
XXVI
. — (
1. Read '^fcf '•
20
— (^y)
,1 I
XXVII (^
XXX (^
<TuVn*«l«U
f^TT T ^HT^ ^TT
XXVIII
XXIX RO ^ffff
^ ^fir
1. The short strokes separating the elements of compound
words are not in the original.
2. Read ' °*T '.
21
TRANSLATION.
LL 1-7. Perfection has been attained ............ another
family ............... the town of Brahma ............... consecrated
image of God Sri Sambhu-BhadreSvara ......... in the prosper-
ous city of Champa.
V. 1. There was a king called Gai'igaraja, who was
famed for the ro}Tal qualities of knowledge and heroism ......
the sovereignt}- difficult to abandon ..................... * the joy
arising from a view of Gariga (Ganges) is very great ', and
so he went to the Jahnavl ( Ganges ).
V. 2. Kings beginning with Dillpa and Mandhata ......
he, in his majesty, never transgressed the eternal rules of
conduct, even as the ocean never transgresses her boundaries
fixed for eternity.2
V. 3. He, who was the son of an eminent Brahmana,
and tho 'son of the daughter's daughter' of glorious Mano-
rathavarman.
V. 4. The son of this king Kudravarman, of great
valour, was (foremost among) those who possessed splend-
our, like the Sun.
V. 5. He who, even at the present time, follows the
pure rules of conduct which obtained in the Krta-Yuga,
1. Head '
2. Finot translates " Celui qui e*tait egal en puissance a
rOce"an" (Ho was equal in power to the ocean) ignoring the double
meaning of the word ' ftl^f ' and a very well-known comparison
with the ocean.
22
when Dharma prevailed in its entiret}^.1 The
beauty of his face surpasses that of the moon with a halo,
but the moon, though cast into shade, still maintains his
own.2
V. 6. Of that Sambhuvarman, renowned for his prow-
ess, who re-established on this earth this ^ambhubhadresa.
V. 7. Was born a son of mighty fame, called Kandarpa-
dharma, endowed with beauty, and like an incarnation of
Dharma.
V. 8. " I have nothing to expect from a king who, free
from passion, dutifully protects his subjects like his own
sons," — with this melancholy reflection, Kali, chased by the
splendour of the king, sadly moved away, nobody knows
where, even as the army of darkness flies before the Sun,
leaving its unbearable rays behind.
V. 9. He who was his son, The desires of
all his subjects are centred on him, as those of all the cre-
atures on the Creator.
V. 10. Wishing for the good of his subjects, he increas-
ed his own prowess, following in the wake of the Sun who
extends his rays in spring time.3
V. 11. He, Prabhasadharrna, had a younger sister, who
was the source of welfare and prosperity of the whole world,
nnd the perfection, as it were, of the creation ( Karmma ) of
God.
1. The poet here refers to the theory that Dharma which
originally stood on four legs, in the Krta age, lost one in each of the
succeeding ages viz. TretS and DvSpara. At i-resent, in Kali, sh«
stands on only one leg,
2. The last portion is only conjectural.
3. The first two fragmentary lines are not translated.
23
V. 12. For the birth of Chanda1 ..................... Satya-
kausikasvaml became her husband as the hermit Atri was of
Anasiiya.
V. 13. He who was (his or her) son,2 celebrated for
his heroism, knowledge, and beauty, and who always shed
lustre on both the Ksatriya and Brahmaiia families,
V. 14. Was called Bhadre^varavarman; he and Anauga-
rupa and Visvarupa were three brothers born of the same
mother.
V. 15. ( Then ) the famous SrI-Jagaddharma, of mighty
prowess, went to the town called Bhava3 on account of cer-
tain circumstances.
V. 10. It was there that Kaundinya, the foremost
among Brahmanas, planted the spear which he had obtained
i'rom Drona's son A^vaithama, the best of Brahmanas.
V. 17. There was a daughter of the king of serpents,
called Soma, who founded a family in this world. Having
attained, through love, to a radically different element, she
lived in the habitations of man.
V. 18. She was taken as wife by the excellent Brah-
mana Kaundinya for the sake of (accomplishing) certain
work. Verily, incomprehensible is the way of God in pro-
viding conditions leading to future events.
V. 19. ( King Bhadravarman ) who, being born in that
pure unbroken line of kings, is, even to-day, the pride of Jus
subjects by his unblamable (conduct).
<l>).
V. 20. He, the king Bhavavarman, who boasted of his
triple power, and broke the arrogant pride of his enemies
1. Finot takes ^^fl^rew^ as the name of the bus-
band. This does not seem probable.
2. *W1 but only the last two letters are distinct.
3. Bhavapura i. e. Cambodge.
24
about military strength caused by excess of heroism, had a
brother, who was a hero in the world, who was a destroyer
of the proud allies of enemies, whose power was increased
by his strength, and whose supreme majesty, like that of the
sun, brilliantly shone forth.
V. 21. He, the famous Sri Mahendravarma, equal in
prowess to Indra, the king of gods, begat happily, with ease,
a favourite son, even as the policy of wise men produces
happy results.
V. 22. He, Sri Tsanava -ma, king of men, whose splend-
our spread in all directions up to the very end, begat a
daughter, for the sake of unique prosperity, as Facrificial
ceremonies beget both material prosperity and supernatural
power.
V, 23. Sri Jagaddharma begat on that Sri Sarvvam,
chaste, and born in the family of Sonm (or Soma), a favourite
son of remarkable prowess.
V. 24. It is said that the sum- total of excellences is
not to be found together in any creature. Is it applicable
even to the creations of God Brahma ?. To him (the king)
(at least) all the excellences are very fondly attached; lie
is like a priceless jewel in the deep of the ocean.
25. Constantly devoted to the Brahmanas, the gods
among men, (he was) gracefully attended by enemien sub-
dued by his own prowess; (he was) cause of Laksmi's prid« ;
Sri Lakb'rnl, in fond hope that he was Rarna, son of king
Dasaratha, dutifully followed1 him, and this was well wor-
thy of her indeed !
26. The Trio viz. Padma (LaksmI i.e. Prosperity),
Kanti (beauty) and SarasvatI (knowledge), attain a luxuri-
1. I cannot understand the word * ^3fcT ' as published in the
text. ( take it as * ^fa '.
25;
ant growth in him. Very often good seeds, obtaining good
soil, lead to eterrial fruits.
He, the illustrious king of, Champat Maharaja Sri Pra-
kasadharma, who took the name of Sri Vikrantavarma at
the time of coronation, — who ,was the full moon,1 with pure
rays, rising in the east,2 of the great and vast (lit. whose
ends can be reached with difficulty) ocean of milk, whibh
was the great, noble, and ever-prosperous3 royal family, —
whose natural prowess is familiar to his innumerable wicked
enemies, whose great pride was humbled by him, — whose
kingdom was bestowed on him iby holy men, and was acquir-
ed, protected, and augmented, by means of a group of royal
qualities, made all the firmer by heroism, — who was singled
out by luck (Sri) for his skill, — he, in the year 579 of the
era of the Saka king, (astronomical details follow)— Estab-
lished Sri Prabhasesvara, the one lord of all the world, with
a view to destroy the seeds ( of karma ), which have the
power of leading to births ( lit. existence)* iu quick succe-
ssion.
27. His ( I. e. Siva's) forms like Earth etc. are suitable
to his energy, and, without them, his activity for the mainte-
nance and progress of the world cannot exist. It is from this
consideration that ( these forms ) are held by the master of
energy. What action is there that the Lord will not under-
take for the welfare of others ?
1. T'TO *UI^T applied to the king would mean the vast ex-
tent of his kingdom.
2. 1°^ ^W applied to the king would mean in the forefront
of the royal family.
3. Sl^Tj^l applied to ocean would moan * surging'.
4. In other words, the king desired to escape from rebirths, a
desire of all orthodox Hindus.
26
28. He, who, although revered by Brahma, Visnn,
Indra and other gods, Asuras (Demons), Brahmanas, kings
and ascetics (or royal ascetics), yet danced in cemetery for
the sake of the prosperity of the world — this is strange in-
deed !
29. From whom is evolved this static and dynamic
world, like rays from the Sun, in whom again are they
merged ! How wonderful is this great creation.
30. Who, although having no desire of his own,1 is yet
the cause of the creation of the world ; thoughts of whom,
alone, are capable of yielding infinite bliss, not to speak,
again, of his visible manifestation ; may he, Sri Prabhase^vara,
remain fixed here as long as the world lasts, as a means of
securing the welfare of the city of Champa.
The store-house of Lori, with the district of Gaum, and
the store-houses of Havauh, Karnnau}', Can, Pitau, Kraun,
Najoc, and Vasauy at Midit, — all these have been given for the
worship of the gods l£ane*vara, Sri Sambhu-BhadreSvara
and Sri Prabhasesvara, by Sri Prakasadharman, king of
Champa. Those who will destroy, they will feel, without
remission, the consequences of murdering a Brahmana,
through the aeons. Those who will maintain, will enjoy the
reward of an Asvamedha sacrifice. And it has been said in
the Sastras ' that there is no greater meritorious act than
the Asvamedha, and no greater crime than the murder of a
Brahmana.' Thus declares the donor of all those in the
presence of that God.
No. 13. My-son Stelae Inscription of
Prakasadharma.
The inscription is engraved on another face of the same
stelae which contains No. 7. It contains a date of which
1. Or 'although beyond mental perception,1
27
the hundredth figure alone is legible viz. 5xx, and refers to
king Praka^adharma, grand-son of (name lost).
K E. F., Vol. III., p. 210.
No. 14. My-son pedestal Inscription of
Prakasadharma.
The inscription was edited by M. Finot (B. E. F., Vol. IV,
p. 928 No. V. ) ( For localities cf. No. 4).
It is engraved on a pedestal, and contains 2 lines of
writing in Sanskrit, consisting of 2 slokas:
The object of the inscription is to record the erection of
a temple to Kuvera, the friend of Mahe3vara, by Praka§a-
dharma.
TEXT.
TRANSLATION.
(1) This temple of Kuvera, the friend of MaheSvara, a
mine of wealth, has been erected by king Prakasadharma.
(2) May this ( Kuvera ), who is called • ekaksapingala '
for having (his eye) injured by the view of the Goddess
(Uma), increase the wealth of this king, and always protect
him from evils. ( For the allusion to the story of Kuvera, cf.
Ramayana Uttara-kanda, ch. XIII, vv., 24, 30-31 ).
2S
No. 15. Lai Cham Inscription of
Prakasadharma.
(For localities cl'. No. 56.)
It contains two short lines.
TEXT.
(0 ^rofwrnr i
(*) sfr TORnrofr iw( ^R ) ( ? ) 11
TRANSLATION.
Homage to Si\a; the gift of victory (?) by Prakasa-
dharma.
B. E. F., Vol. XV., No. 2, p. 112.
No. 16. My-son Stelae Inscription of Vikranta-
Varman I, dated 609.
The inscription was edited by M. Finot ( B. E. F. Vol. IV,
p. 925, No. IV ). (For localities etc. cf. No. 4). It is engraved
on two faces of a stelae, and contains, besides the invocation,
23 lines of writing. The language is Sanskrit, and, with the
exception of the invocation, the inscription is written
throughout in verse. There are altogether 11 verses, six on
the first, and five on the second face. The metres are, v. 1,
Indravajra; vv. 2-8, 11, Arya; v. 9, £ardulavikridita; v. 10,
Sragdhara.
The first eight stanzas are written in the same charac-
ter, and form one inscription, recording the donation of a
Ko$a to Isanesvara, and a mukuta to BhadreSvara, by king
Prakasadharma in 609 ( 687 A. D. ). The last three stanzas,
which are written in a different style, record the same dona-
tions by king Vikrantavarman.
1 1 (3 ) 4;JJHf fi
III
/
v
TV (
(
V
) (
VIII (\)
(«)
29
TEXT.
(a).
H^^ I t
30
X
RT ^<-M *M <ir*t i ^ i
i *i Mm
TRANSLATION.
(a)
Reverence to Siva !
Hail *
1. May T^ananatha, who is meditated by all the gods,
with Iqdra at their head, and by the good persons who
know His essential nature, — who is calm, pure, supreme
and sublime, triumph for ever !
2. Only the thought of Him saves from danger those
who prostrate even once. May that &rl Bhadre^vara, as
well as Prabhase^a, be for the good of the people.
3. When six hundred and nine1 years had elapsed
since the time of the Raka kings.
( Astronomical details. )
6. After having installed, out of devotion, a Kosa of
T$ane§vara (i. e. a Linga of &va called l£ane£vara) accord-
ing to true rites, the illustrious PrakaSadharma gave a crown
to Bhadre£vara.
1. Ananda has been taken by Fleet to be equivalent to Nanda
or 9. This Jis doubtful. There are four Anandas according to
Tantra (CaturSnanda), and hence it may denote four.
31
7. May this pair of Kosa and crown, like two pillars
of his fame, exist unimpaired in this world, as long as the
Sun and the Moon last.
8. Victory to Sri PrakaSadharma, king of Champa,
whose fame, originating in the above manner, has very ap-
propriately spread afar.
9. When the Sun rises, the Moon is gone ; and when
the Moon rises, the Sun sets — this is the rule of the Universe.
But the spotless Moon which is the Kosa of Isanesvara, and
the Sun which is the crown of Bhadre^vara, both (have been
brought together ? ) by the king Vikrantavarma.
10. That Dana who cannot be cut, or pierced, who ia
primordial, and who heals the wounds of all his followers,
has his own limbs wounded, as he himself said. Let the
pious men solve this problem. (The reply is) Isana cut
himself into eight parts, and this mutilation is intentional.
May the revered king Vikrantavarma triumph by his moon-
like silver Kosa, without eclipsing any body else.
No. 17. My son Stelae Inscription of
Vikrantavarman.
The inscription was edited by M. Finot (B. E. F., Vol. IV,
p. 930, No. IX.) (For localities cf. No. 4). It is engraved on
two faces of a stelae and contains, besides the invocation, 38
lines of writing. The second face, containing 20 lines, is
illegible, the names Sambhuvarman and Vikrantavarman
alone being decipherable. The first face contains six verses
and a piecft in prose. It records an invocation to Siva.
The metres being, vv. 1-2, Sardulavikiidita; v. 3, Manda-
kranta; vv. 4-5, Sragdhara; v. 6, Malini.
32
TEXT.
(a).
(V)
1^. _____ f '
it*d *<4 1
IV
W«M*II TnT^nCrSTR^T «uni «i^gi£*u
1. Kend * ^??-5fH^-5IHI^-^|c![r, as required both by
metre and sense.
33
snT ( v<* )
V
TOT
VI (?\s) f^
sflr - -- - --
TRANSLATION.
(«<)•
Reverence to Siva ! HJM! !
(1) He, who, practising austerities, grants the highest
snpremacj^ to the gods (lit. those who enjoy sacrifice), — who
burnt the fine figure of the God of love, and yet married the
daughter of the icy Himalaya, — who, riding on a bellowing
animal (bull), obtains the unique supremacy in all the worlds,
— there is none in the world who knows that God in his true
aspects.'"
(2) By devotedly worshipping Him, — who has it in his
gifts to grant boons beyond one's desire, — Upamanyu is en-
1. The vowel-sign 3 is not distinct.
2. The first three linos imply the contradictory nature of
the God. (viz.) [1] Giver of bounies to others, but himself prac-
tising austerities (for what ?). [2] Husband, yet destroying the
Cupid [3] Lord of the Universe, yet riding on a mean animal. A
further implication is that although of a fiery nature (evidenced
by the burning of Madaua), he was yet united to the daughter of the
cold Himalaya.
34
joying even to day, with his friends and relations, the ocean
of milk, white as the moon, to the exclusion of the destroyer
of Vrtra ( i. e. Indra ), whose great glory became manifest by
having worked tho miracle of creating the three worlds. May
this Lord Sri Isanesvara-Natha protect you from all dangers.
(3) Whose eight holy forms, respected by all the proud
Maruts, profoundly united with one another by appreciating
the individual functions of each, and bestowers of excellent
blessings, carry this world, as worthy pairs of horses carry
rapidly moving chariots on different road*.
(4) He who, at one and the same time, destroyed the
three cities belonging to Tripura- Asuras for the peace of the
worlds, making Pranava his strong bow, with the Savitrl as
its bowstring; Visnu, his arrow, with Soma as its excellent
feather, and the blazing fire ( Agni ), its barb ; all the gods,
his chariot, with the four Vedas as its horses, and Ida and
Virifica as its charioteers.2
2. Tho story hinted at in this verse is thus described in
Maha"bharata [AnuSasana Parva] vv. 7458 ff.
There were in the sky three cities of tho valorous Asuras, one
of iron, another of silver, and a third of gold, which Maghavan
[Indra] could not demolish, with all his weapons. Then all the
great gods, distressed, went to the great Rudra as their refuge,
and said to him, after they were assembled; 4Rudra, there sha1! be
victims devoted to thee in all the sacrifices. Bestower of honour,
destroy the Daityas with their cities and deliver the worlds.' He,
being thus addressed, said, *So be it'; and making Visnu his arrow,
Agni its barb. Yama, the son of Vivasvat, its leather, all the Vedas
his bow, and the excellent Savitrf [the Gayatri] his bowstring, and
having appointed Brahma his charioteer, he in due time pierced
through these cities with a three-jointed, three-barbed arrow, of the
colours of the sun, and in fierceness like the fire which burns up the
world. These Asuras with their cities were there burnt up by
Rudra.
35
Victory to the Great Lord Sri ^ambhubhadre^vara, —
who, although possessed of Aniina and other divine faculties
which are very difficult to be obtained by other classes of
gods, yet devotes himself to austerities without desiring any
reward therefrom ; who reduced to ashes the incomparable
body of Madana by means of burning fire proceeding from
his eyes, and yet became the husband of the daughter (of
Himalaya), white as snow and benefactress; who is the
unique lord of all the worlds, and yet selected a white
vehicle (i. c,. the bull) which has become rough by traver-
sing the sky ; who is the source of the supreme end of life,
difficult to attain ; whose true nature is beyond the do-
main of thought and speech, yet whose image, identical
with the Universe, is manifested by his forms, — earth,
water, fire, air, sky, sun, moon and sacrificer, — which are
dignified by the titles of gods of very great power, named
Sarvit. Bhava, Pasupati, Isana, Bhima, Rudra, Mahadova
and Ugra ; and whose infinite power may be inferred from
the fact that, aided by ( the gods with ) Brahma, Visnu,
and Agni (Fire) at their head, he exterminated the great
Asura ( demon ) Tripura, who had destroyed all the worlds
with the gods, ascetics and the Gandharvas.
5. I am always victorious over Indra and other gods
who are great on account of the strength of their arms.
6. May he, who is without cause, but who is the cause
of all the worlds, grant blessings ...............
£ambhuvarma ........................ Vikrantavarma.
36
No. 18. My son Stone Inscription of
Vikrantavarman,
The inscription was edited by M. Finot (B. E. F., Vol. IV.
p. 929, No. VII. ) (For localities cf. No. 4). It was engraved
on a block of stone, forming part of a circular pedestal. It
contains one line, and records the installation of a golden
image of a god by king Vikrantavarma.
TEXT.
n
TRANSLATION.
Reverence to Suvarnaksa ( Lit. God with golden eyes ).
This golden image of Paramesvara has been installed with
devotion by Vikrantavanmin, king of Champa, who knows
the truth.
No. 19. My-son Pedestal Inscription of
Vikrantavarman.
The inscription was edited by M. Finot (B. E. F., Vol. IV.
p. 930, No. VIII.) (For localities cf. No. 4).
It is engraved on a circular pedestal and contains one
line in Sanskrit verse.
TEXT.
TRANSLATION.
This Ko3a ofVameSvara, (^iva) installed by £rl- Vikranta-
varma, the best of kings (lit. the lion among kings), will
endure as lon£ as the world exists.
37
No- 20. My-son Stelae Inscription of
Vikrantavarman II, dated 63 x.
The inscription was edited by M. Finot (B. E. F., Vol. IV,
p. 928, No. VI and vol. XV, No.2 p. 190 ) (For localities cf.
No.4). It is engraved on three faces of a stelae, containing,
besides the invocation, 40 lines of writing. The language
is Sanskrit, and the inscription is written throughout in
prose. It ie most^ illegible,and contains a date, 63 x, the
unit figure being tjfiaced.
TEXT.
(a).
Mr ^T^^T
......... (
(c).
fta^ssr( R X —
r («) .^<*M ..................... (s.)
(1°)
srnrfer II
38
TRANSLATION.
(a).
Reverence to Siva ..................... (12) Champa
Goddess of sovereignty ......... king.
(1) Lord of the city of Champa ......... King of kings ......
(2) installed by Sri Prakasadharma ............ (3) Sri Prakasa-
dharma ......... (6) Sri PrakaSadharma. (7) Belonging to the
family of Ganges vara (Lord of Gariga?) (10-11) Sri Vikranta-
varmfi, the great king of kings, (11-12) ......... king Vikranta-
varma ............... to the grandson of king Yogesvara's son, a
moon ............ (13) Crown and Kosa ......... decorated. (14) In
the year G3 .................. of the Saka king, bright fortnight
of Phalguna.
(c).
(1) Reverence to Sri Thanes* vara, Sri Bhadre^vara, (2)
Sri PrabhaseSvara (3) and Sri Vamabhutesvara ......... (4) gold
and silver . .(9) Sri Bhadravarma and Rudravarmii (10) to-
gether again gave ......... (11) He who destroys or maintains
them — the consequence (of their action) is known to Sri
Is ana and other gods.
No. 21. My-son Stelae Inscription of Vikranta-
varman II, dated 653 Saka.
The inscription was first brought to notice by M. Finot
(B. E. F., Vol. IV, pp. 932-33, No. x), who could read only a
few words. Later, M. Hnber has partially restored the text
(B. E. F., Vol. XI, p. 265).
For localities cf. No. 4. The inscription is engraved
on two faces of a stelae, containing respectively 11 and
12 lines of writing, besides the invocation.
39
It begins with ' NamaS Sivaya Svasti', and then follows
an invocation to Siva in- two verses (metre Malini), LL. 1-4.
( Verse 1 is given below ).
The lines 5-11 contain each a 61oka, and record that king
Sambhuvannan built a brick vedl (quadrangular spot) cover-
ed with silver plates, with a statue of Laksmi thereon.
The four Slokas that follow give a poetical description of
the splendour of the temple.
The first six lines of the second face each contain a sloka,
and record that £rl Prakf^adharma intended to build a vedl
of stone, and that this was actually accomplished by one
Naravahana Vainian, who further covered the stone vedl
with silver and gold plates. It is difficult to decide whether
Naravahana Varman is identical with Vikranta-Varman, the
successor of Praka^adharma, or a new king intermediate be-
tween the last two.
The lines 8- 9 contain a prose passage glorifying Vi-
krantavarman.
TEXT.
(V. I.)
rr \ «i ^^ ^u^^f^
(LL. 6-7)
(L. 2)
(LL. 4-6)
ar^rr
(LL. 8-9) ^wRW^^^f^T^^
(L. 10) ijjjj Tfm^T
>>
TRANSLATION.
(n,).
LL. 1-4. Victorious ia the Great Boin#, tlie primaevul
God Sri Tsanadeva, who conquered the Cupid, whose lotus-
fe,et are saluted by Brahma, Visnu and other gods, who is
without atoms, but has still eight forms, who is the cause of
the welfare of the three worlds, and who fulfils all the de-
sires.
1. Huber reads °*s[*KnT0. But apparently the fragment is the
first line of a stanza in sragdhara metre, which requires the syllable
*j to be long. The third and the fourth line are too corrupt to be
restored.
2. This is Huber' s reading. Possibly the missing word is T
which fits in with the metre here.
3. Could it possibly be p
41
LL. 6-7. King Sambhuvarman made a brick altar,
covered with silver on the exterior, which supported LaksmI,
— formerly the ocean of milk
(!>).
L. 2. He, Sri Prakfisaclharma, desiring to make of
stone Naravfihanavarman
LL. 4-6. Sri Naravahana-varman covered (that altar) of
stone with gold and silver on the outside, as Brahma made
the peak of Meru. Moreover this altar, of gold and silver,
supporting LaksmI shines like the peak of Himalaya. By
him was made this great altar, (a task) difficult for the
previous kings, how wonderful.
LL. 8-9. Sri Vikrantavarman, whose great glory fs
well-known, and whose high fame is due to the grace of the
lotus-feet of the primaeval Uod Sri Tsana and his (king's)
father by whom LaksmI, born in the Kailfisa mountain,
was again installed on such an altar.
LL. 10 ff. Vikrantavarman. possessed of fortune and a
beautiful body, established here the famous ( image of Laksml )l
in the year denoted by ' Rauia-artha-sat' i. e. 653.
( Astronomical, details follow. )
No. 22. Po-Nagar Stelae Inscription of king
Satyavarman dated 706 Saka.
The inscription was edited by M. Bergaigno ( Corpus
No. XXVI, p. 212).
This inscription, along with five others (Nos. 29 a, 29 b,
29 c, 45, 47 ), is engraved on the four faces and the base of
a stelae found at Po-Nagar. The language is Sanskrit.
l7^f%^eans any work' calculated to render famous the name
o! its constructor ( of. Fleet, Gupta I ascriptions, p. 212).
42
It contains five verses in 18 lines, the metre being
Sardulavikrldita.
It first gives a legendary account of the installation of
a Mukhaliiiga, in the province of Kauthara, by king Vicitra-
sagara. In the year 696 ( = 774 A. D. ) the temple was des-
troyed, and the treasures of the temple, together with the
Liriga, were carried away. King Satyavarman pursued the
plunderers and defeated them in a naval battle, but could not
recover the treasures or the Linga. The king then built
another temple, and installed a new Mukhaliiiga, called, after
the king, Srl-Satya-Mukhalinga, together with an image of
'BhagavatI and Gai.ieSa' (?) in the year 706 ( = 784 A. D. ).
TEXT.
U. .
* 11
5 iirmn^r^dKin—
Mirn^in—
^ ^
I>«in'^n^^f It
III
s II
1. Road °^=^° here.
43
T^PJF
n
TRANSLATION.
1. The fortunate king, who, obtaining unique sovereign-
ty over the whole world, formerly established in this world,
at Kauthara, a Mukhalinga of Sambhu, — bright as gold and
dispelling darkness from the world, — together with all arti-
cles of enjoyment, was famous by the name Vicitrasagara.
2. In the Saka year, denoted by Ko^a-nava-rtu ( 696 ),
ferocious, pitiless, dark-coloured people of other cities, whose
food was more horrible than that of the Vampires, and who
was vicious and furious like Yama, came in ships, took away
the Mukhalinga of the God, and set fire to the abode of the
God, as the armed crowds of Daityas did in heaven.
3. Learning of this raid, king &rl Satyavarma (sailed)
on good ships with his soldiers and other heroes ( officers ? ),
and killed those wicked and vicious persons in the sea. But he
was very much dejected to learn that the Sivamukha, together
with its property, which was in their ship, was thrown into
water, and that the Sivalinga was destroyed.
4. The king Sri Satyavarma, ruling over an excellent
kingdom covetable to Indra, having resolved to devote him-
self to the worship of Siva, was able to re-install with the
pristine splendour, aKo^a(Linga) with a face (i. e. ^iva
mukha ), together with a beautiful female ( Durga ? ) and an
elephant (or Gane^a, whose face was like that of an elephant ?).
1. Read °qf here.
44
H© must be known as kin^ Vicitrasagara, (if, as the tradition
goes, ) there be not a second king of that name on the earth.
5. Established in the year oi' the Saka king denoted by
Ko^a-kha-bhCidhara ( 700 ) ( astronomical details
follow ).
No. 23. Yang Tikuh Stelae Inscription of
Indravarman I dated 721 Saka.
The inscription was edited by M. Bcrgaigne (Corpus,
No. XXII, p. 207 ).
Yang Tikuh is the native appellation of a stelae,found
near the village of Takoh, not far from the hill of Datrang in
the plain of Phanrang. The inscription, engraved on two
faces of the stelae, contains 37 lines of writing. The langu-
age is Sanskrit. The inscription is written partly in prose
and partty in verse. There are altogether 14 verses, the
metre being, vv. 1-2, Sragdhara; vv. 3-4 Sardulavikridita; vv.
5-9 and vv. 11-14, Anusubh; and v. 10, VamSastha.
The inscription records that in 709 & ( = 787 A. D. ), the
army of Java, coming to Champa by way of sea, destroyed
the temple of £iva known as Bhadradhipatiwara. King
Indravarman reconstructed the temple in 721 S ( = 799 A. D. ),
installed an image of the god, to be henceforth worshipped
under the name of Indrabhadrelvara, and made various do-
nations.
TEXT.
(a.)
I (I)
45
rr^^^
III
IV (0
VI 11
IX
X ^ *W ?T3IT
1. Read ' fl^* '•
2.
46
n
H
VI ^r?qf r
: II
n
VII ^^r^g^TfJ^r *? ^r^ JT^i^ra1 1
u
47
XI
! II
XII
XIII *T gTFcT TrF^^ 5T7j£ qTT .
^t^ ^rUi% ^5=5^ dNy<^^a%?n: H
XI V
TRANSLATION.
Victorious in the world is He, who is the supreme energy;
who is attended by the excellent Siddhaa, the Rsis, the exce-
llent gods and the chanters of hymns; from whom are born all
creatures liable to birth, and to whom they (ultimately) resort;
and who enjoys pleasures in infinite varieties, along with Tar-
kriya, the Sun, the Moon, Indra, and the Daityas in heaven, and
by means of his mighty prowess, in the earth. Supreme Yaksas
as well as the mean Rakb'as are assured of happiness if they
think of Him with devotion, even for a moment.
Taking protection in the pair of lotus-like feet of the God,
— the honey of whose lotus-feet purifies the Asuras and their
enemies ; whose brilliantly white body is besmeared with
ashes whiter than the waves of the milk-ocean, the foam of the
celestial river, and the rays of the moon ; the image of whose
feet, the support of the three worlds, excites the jealousy of
the stalk and roots of lotus; the holy dust of whose pair oi
48
feet, and the holy stream of the Ganges on whose head are
the crest-jewels of the chiefs of Suras and Asuras;1 and the
nails of whose feet, wearing the crimson glow of twilight by
the facets of the golden crown of the groups of gods, Siddhas,
and Vidyadhara.% appear like a be j e welled mi rror;-H is Majesty
king Indravarman, whose fame for observing the law was
spreading more and more2 every day in all directions, made
this pious work in the world.
2. The king Indravarman, who is honoured by good
men ; who is foremost among those who regard sacrifice
as their principal treasure ; who is celebrated in this world
on account of the efficacy of these sacrifices, as Mahendra
is in heaven by obtaining only a portion of them; who, like
Manu, peacefully guards the world ; who is the head of the
Brahma-Ksatra clan ;3 and who is famous in his kingdom by
the purity of his race, like the brilliant moon in a clear sky.
Glory to him, who like Vikrarna (Vismi) raised the
- world, as it were, by his two hands; who is like Indra, fallen
to the earth for ruling over the whole of Champa ; who like
Dhanafijaya is of irrepressible valour, and yet, like Hari,
prospered after having conquered many groups of enemies,
and placed his foot in a large number of countries created by
the lotus-like feet of the preceptor of the Suras and Asuras
(i.e. Ka^yapa); who is like Indra in this world, by virtue
of perfect austerities and constant sacrifices performed in
previous births ; who is like Dhana< la by his liberality; and
1. The word 1W seoms to have no special meaning.
2. The use of the adjective cfW is unknown, though the
noun derived from it viz. 'WflWf' js well-known.
3. Bergaigne translates : "who has, for ministers, only the
BrShman&s and the Ksatriyas.
49
whose charming body is embraced with pleasure by the God-
dess of sovereignty.1
The king who, on account of his capacity to govern
better and better a country, celebrated for its towns, main-
tains intact the orders of castes and a gramas, had a capital
like the city of the gods.
III. This fortunate king is always victorious over his
enemies in the world in all directions. In the height of his
strength, he combines in himself the prowess -of Candra,
Indra, Agni, Yama and Kubera ;2 originating partly from a
Brahmana (or from a portion of Brahma ), the master of imme-
nse wealth, possessed of fortune and prowess, crushing, like
Visnu, his enemies by means of his prowess, he established
the proper law (in his kingdom).
(/').
IV. Sri Bhadrftdhipatl^vara, who originated from the
nether world, who is celebrated in the three worlds by the
fire of his own energy, and is possessed of heroism, asceticism,
and the character of Yogin, is always eulogised at heart by
the Gandharvvas, the Uragas, the Rfikb'asas, the Munis, the
divine sages, and the Vidyfidharas, who have prowess as
their treasure.
V. Coming out from the west of the town, worshipped
in the throe worlds, lie shines in the world from afar, with
splendour as his ornament.
1. The construction is not very happy.
2. Cf. Mann, Chap. VII, vv. 3-3. Bcrgaigne translates the
verse in a quite different way: ** He has carried a redoubtable war
in the regions of Candra, Jndra, etc." Senarfc proposes a correc-
tion: "He took by his strength the body of Candra, Indra, etc.
i.e. ho boca'iio, in some way, the muster of the northern, eastern,
50
VI. He is called BhadradhipatHvara, because he is the
master of welfare, and maintains, by his splendour, the
welfare, the health and the good of the worlds.
Now, for a long time, having enjoyed treasures, grain-
stores, male and female slaves, silver, gold, jewels etc., he,
the dust of whojse lotus-like feet is worshipped by the three
worlds, became, by his own prowess, the cause of the
prosperity of the entire world.
Then owing to the excess of faults in the Kali age it
(i.e.. the temple, also called Bhadradhipatl>vara) was burnt
b\r the army of Java coming by means of ships, and became
empty, in the year of the Sakas denoted by ' nine-ambara-
adri' (709).
VII. He was in the world for many thousands of years
and then had his own abode burnt \yy his own nxlya (illu-
sion ).
Then king Indravarma re-installed it, and out of the
goodness of his heart gave it treasures, grain-stores, silver,
gold crown, jewel, necklace and other objects of enjoyment,
together with wTomen of the harem, male and female slaves,
oxen, buffaloes, fields and other articles.
VIII. Indravarman also installed an earthen Linga of
the God, which therefore came to be known as Iridra-
bhadre^vara.
IX. He also established, in the year of the Sakas ' Sa-I-
yama-adri ' (721), two treasures for the God, the one composed
of moveable and immoveable property, and the other move-
able and with a mouth ( priests ? ).
X. When this king protects the earth, his subjects are
delighted at his prowess. Renowned in the world for his zeal
in protecting Dharma (Law ?), he always triumphed over his
enemies by his own prowess.
XL Endowed -with virtue, and born in a noble family,
51
charitable, surrounded by heroes, and defeating the enemies
by his prowess, he protects the world on all sides.
To the God, hSrl Indrabhadre^vara, who is the cause of
the happiness of the whole world, king Indravarma, out of
devotion and in pure heart, has given the country of Sikhi-
£ikhagiri, comprising the two fields of Sivaksetra and Yajfia-
ksetra, and the grain-store called jafia ( ? ).
XII. Those who protect all those goods of Indrabhad-
rewara in the world, would enjoy the delights of heaven along
with the gods.
XIII. Those who carry them away would fall into heJl
together with their family, and would sutler the sorrows of
hell as long as the sun and the moon endure.
XIV. Those who, out of cupidity, rob ParameSvara of
his goods, will not live long, and will never come out of the
hell.
Nos. 24 a, 24 b. Glai Lamov Stelae Inscrip-
tions of Indravarman 1 dated 723 Saka.
These two inscriptions were edited by M. Bergaigne
( Corpus No. XXIII, p. 218 ).
Glai Lamov is the name of a thicket amidst the rice
fields in the valley south of Phanrang. The two inscriptions
are engraved on two faces of a stelae. No. 24 (a) contains
22 lines, and No. 24 (b), 23. The language is Sanskrit. No.
24 (a) contains 14 verses and a fragment in prose, the metre
being, v. 1, Anustubh, v. 2, ladravajru, vv. 3-8, and vv. 10-14,
61oka, and v. 9, Sardulavikridita. No. 24 (b) has a long prose
text at the beginning, then two verses (metre Vam?astha),
thea another prose text, and lastly one verse in Sloka
metre.
52
The inscription No. 24 (a) gives a short genealogy, com-
prising three names, vis. Prathivindravarman,his sister's son
Satyavarman, and lastly, the brother of the latter, Indra-
varman. It refers to the installation of two images of Siva,
called, after the king, Inclrabhogesvara and IndrabhadreSvara,
and records the installation of a third, called Indraparame-
gvara, in the year 723 S. ( = 801 A. D. ).
No. 24 (/;) records the donations made by Indravarman
to the God Sarikara-Narayana.
TEXT.
f«ta<it f*rei
1 1 1 rr*qrr^r *r^f g^r^r ^r o^r qrm 5j«T:
^CT TT^ ^vff^rf2 ^nsrRf
I V ^^Hr d4:ch<l< HS^Rl ffrfif
V
V I
V 1 1 <9lf^£J4Uj4!e|(
1. Head
53
VIII
IX
gq: ||
X f^<^i^T5T JT^rfr srm
» y »-
X I
XII
XIII
f*T?^ qr|r?^Tff*T
XIV
1.
2. Read
54
^^S^1^
[ : ]
1. Read *f^Tf'3 ' (ftfcl — does not offer any suitable mean-
ing).
2. I think this is $1% fa'tftf^^qtt ( i.e. ninth day of the
|-elTl4iic|
55
ii. ^ **& TVSI g
rT?3 *i
«__«
TTSH 3
<jtf°cm'<li ^r
III.
II
i
||
1. Road t 2. Read
56
TRANSLATION.
(a)
1. Reverence to all the gods ! May the people be free
from calamities, and the king always victorious in this world.
2. The fortunate king Prathivlndravarma1, famous in
the world for his family and prowess, enjoyed the lands by
having conquered all his enemies by his own power, while
he was in the world.
3. Having enjoyed the whole of Champa, he flourished
as a great king. There were abundance of alms
(i. e. means of subsistence) and various things in his king-
dom.
4. The king destroyed all the thieves, as the sun dispels
the darkness. He shone in his family as the moon does in
the sky.
5. After a long time, on account of his devotion to
JjJambhu, his glory, and his pursuit of good law, the king
went to the world of Rudra ( i. e. died and went to heaven ).
6. The king called Satyavarma, fortunate and very
heroic, and renowned in the wo Id by his own actions, was
his nephew( sister's son ).
7. The earth, with its mountains, trees, and oceans, as
well as the directions, both cardinal and intermediary, turn-
ed round in all directions, by (the pressure of) his great
power.
8. In the combat, the enemies could not stand ( the
ground) in his presence, but turned their face on seeing him,
as the Asuras did on seeing Visnu.
9. By his beauty he was like cupid in this world ; by
1. It may be a mistake for '^ft^ft^qi' or the change of form
Elsewhere we have ^E for 1
57
his victories he was comparable to Inclra ; by his prowess he
was like Ugra (i. e. Siva); among those who desire glory he
was very strong, like the son of Inclra j1 in the assembly of
men he was respected by honest persons ; his appearance was
terrible like that of Tarksya (Garuda); he, the king Satya-
varma, master of sentiments (or, master of all creatures),
is victorious by having churned (i. e. exterminated )all his
enemies.
10. The king died without reigning for a long time,
and being devoted to his dutj7, he secured the world
of Tsvara, by virtue of his great knowledge.
11. His younger brother ludravarma became king; he
was fortunate, dutiful, powerful and renowned in the world
for his strength.
o
12. Although a king (nrpa, lit. protector of men), he
was a destroyer of enemies, heroes in combat, and accompa-
nied by his army he attacked the enemies as soon as he saw
them, as a lion attacks an elephant.
13. The powerful and renowned king triumphs in the
world; he destroyed the army of the enemies as Indra des-
troyed that of the Asuras.
14. The king who was very wise, and surrounded by
heroes,- -flourished greatly. Faithful to law in his kingdom,
he was like Dharmaraja (Yama or Yudhisthira).
The fortunate king kimself at first installed Indra-
bhogesvara at Vlrapura after having selected the tithi,
K((,rana> vnuhurtta, nakftatra, divtwa arid lagna. (15) Then
he installed Indrabhadreavara.
1. Borg.iigne takes '^^35?^ as an ordinary adjective,
and translates: among those who desire the glory he was like
Indra, terrible by his power of vanquishing. In $^UT*fn We
have the fourth case ending instead of the seventh.
58
He, who is born in the family of the spotless moon of
autumn, -whose body is delicate and beautiful like that of
Cupid,1 — who appears like the moon in the midst of the stars
at the summit of the mountain Udayagiri, when he shows
his face, fair as a lotus bud, from the window of his magnifi-
cent palace, — whose hands and breast have been made white
by the application of an abundance of perfumed sandal and
musk, — who is habituated to noble actions as indicated by
signs of royalty fostered by his magnificent good fortune. —
whose terrible majesty (is manifest when) his heart remains
unmoved in the vast2 battle-field thoroughly shaken by the
noise arising from the striking of the bowstrings of
his own and his enemies' armies, — he, king Indravarmfi
installed in the excellent house of Satyavarma, the God
Indra Paramesvara, the cause of the prosperity of the whole
world, — in a pure mind, and after having given riches, by
sincere efforts, to all the Munis, ascetics, and learned Brah-
manas of lofty thoughts and inclinations, in the year of the
Sakas denoted by 'loka-yama-parvvata' (723) (astronomical
details follow). May this endure as long as the earth, the
mountains, the great oceans, and the sky.
Victorious is He, — who even having performed various
feats of prowess in destroying the three cities of the great
Asuras, has the body (of an ascetic)3, white with ashes, and
purified by means of miracles, yo</«,, j(t,pat huhkara, etc.; —
who is illumined by the three eyes which glow like many
beautiful flickering sparks of fire, and shine like lightning
1. The son of kW'H' i. e. Vi.-mi.
'2. Rho<ra here stands for W*ft*T.
3. The underlying idea is that asceticism ill suits a ferocity
described above, hence the virodh.i, i. e. contradiction.
59
traversing the sky; — who illumines the whole universe, and
shines, being situated in a deep cavern on the summit of the
Himalaya mountain which is covered with abundance of
gold, silver, trees and creepers; — the disc of whose feet is
anointed by the rays of the jewels of the crowns at the head
of the Siddhas, Caranas, Hari, Karttika, Indra, and other
gods prostrate before him; — the lower part of whose feet,
soft as the stalk and root of the lotus, is dyed with the
pollen of tho red1 Bandhwjlva, flowers scattered on the
ground, while his matted hair is washed by the fall of the
deep waters of the Ganga descending from heaven; — who
burnt the body of Kama who was very proud ; whose two
feet, like two lotuses, cause purification to the multitude of
gods, Asuras, Munis, Siddhas, Yaksas, Gandharvvas, Kin-
naras, and beautiful Apsaras ; — who is destroyer of the Asuras
blinded by the pride of their excessive strength ; — -who is
the greatest God (Mahe-Svara ), and the cause of the origin,
maintenance and destruction of the world.
Again, Nfirayana is also capable of protecting the whole
world. His four arms — the pillars of the world — are served
by the serpent king with infinite hood, whose fathomless bed
is formed by the deep of the ocean of milk beneath its mighty
wave«, while homage is paid to his lotus-fe.it by the
gods, Asuras and Munis, as he held aloft the mount Govar-
dhana; he destroyed Madhu, Kansa, the Asura, Ke3i, Cauiira,
Arista and Pralamba, while the nail of his feet, dyed crimson
( lit. made to appear like evening) by the blood of Madhu-
kaitabha, appeared like a jewelled mirror.
These two gods are united in one image which is there-
fore called Go 1 Sankaranarayana, one part of whose august
1. There may be a pun on the word '^'-meaning blood
(of tho victims sacrificed before Siva.)
60
body appears to be made of gold on account of the excellent
gold ornaments. May the grace of the God fall upon His
Majesty king Indravarma. May the God grant him all
kinds of wealth and enjoyments and fulfil all desires of the
king both in this world and in the next.
The fortunate king Indravarma, who always thinks of
the work of the great God, and is like the king of gods, has
given Him all the treasures, grain-stores, together with wo-
men of the harem, male and female slaves, oxen, buffaloes,
fields and other objects; golden waistband, bracelet, anklet,
diadems, jewels, pearls, corals, necklaces and other orna-
ments; silver jug and dishes for rice, fans, umbrellas, pitchers
for drinking water1 ( ? ), chowries, shallow earthen dishes,
and other articles of enjoyment, for gaining an excess of
favour from the cause of all the worlds ( i. e. the God ), and
with a heart free from all sordid thoughts.
I. Whatsoever king, himself a master, guards the do-
nations made by other kings, he will see his own wealth in
this world respected by other kings.
II. Whatsoever king, on the other hand, destroys the
donations made by other kings, he will see his own wealth
in this world destined by other kings.
In the first place, the granary of Sri, the granary of
Pavitresvara, the granary of Miimauc, the two granaries of
Bhuvanagrapura, a village in the district of Klajadati
extending as far as the high summit of the mountain
Charulwip — all these have been given to the God by the king
with a pure heart. Let the virtuous persons desiring to gain
religious merit protect the above ( goods ) and live long in
this world, and afterwards live in the heaven with gene-
rations of their race, as long as Indra resides
1. ' Kadava' is not in the dictiouary,-Kada means 'giving water'.
61
there; may they take delight there with other great gods
for millions of aeons.
Those vicious persoiis who, fearless of hell, rob those
goods or destroy them, let their lives be of short duration,
and let them fall into hell, and reside there with seven gene-
rations, as long as the sun, the moon, the planets, the cons-
tellations and the stars endure.
All these words have been said by the multitude of
priests, persons having right to seats in the first rank, the
Brahmanas, the learned men, and the ascetics; while the chief
priest was offering to the fire harimala, ablaze as it was being
licked, they uttered these imprecations.
Those who follow ( the above regulations ) would be of
long life. It is said:
Those who destroy the ripe grains, those who are un-
grateful and those who take others' lands,-these three never
come back from hell as long as the sun and the moon
endure.
No. 25. Po=Nagar Temple Inscription
of Harivarman I dated 735 Saka.
It records that in the year 735 (=813 A. D.), during the
reign of king Vlra Jaya Sri Harivarma Deva, victorious
in battles, the Senapati Paiiroe living at Mani at
Paurah again made donations to God
J. A. 1888 (1), p. 76 No. 410
J. A. 1891 (1), p. 24.
No. 26. Po-Nagar Temple Inscription of Hari-
varman I dated 739 Saka.
The inscription was edited by M. Bergaigne (Corpus
No XXV11I, p. 2G3).
62
The inscription is engraved on the third face of the left
door-pillar of the Po-Nagar temple to the left. It contains
31 lines of writing The language is Sanskrit. The ins-
cription is written in prose with two verses at the end
(metre-£ardiilavikrldita).
The inscription refers to '&rl Harivarmmadeva Rujadhi-
raja, lord of Champa, and to his young son Sri Vikranta-
varman who was appointed the governor of Panduraiigapura
and put in charge of a person who is called Mniipatl, but whose
proper name consists of two syllables in Chain, the last of
SV
which is not intelligible, ('senapati Pamr'). (cf. No. 25). The
object of the inscription is to record the installation of a stone
image of Bhagavati, and the establishment of three temples,
respectively for the Linga of Sanduka, for Ganesa, and for
a God named ftri-Malada Kuthara by Senapati Par (?), in the
year 739 (=81 7 A. D.). The inscription incidentally refers
to the victories of the king and the Senapati.
Text
(?)
63
x x
x x x ^r
I. ^rr ^n^r [^r] 5^^f^f [ ^i^^n ]
II.
TRANSLATION.
Hail, the i^roat kin^. kin<j^ of kings, Harivarmmadeva,
king of Champa, of irrepressible prowess. His arm was the
serpent that held up the circle of earth, plunged in the ocean,
which was Kali; his strong arm was the sun that expelled the
darkness which was the Clnas; in splendour he was like the
incarnation of Nfirayana.
His son, the best of Ksatriyas, was called pulya Sri
Vikriintavarina. The king having given him sovereignty
over Sri Paruluranga, raised to the rank of Commander-in-
chief, for guarding the prince, a person named Senapati
Pamr, born in the great village of D (? )kjci, depending on
the town of Manidhi. Like a lion ravaging the elephants in
an impenetrable forest he ravaged the towns of the Kam-
vujas, which contained men instead of elephants. His fame,
white as the rays of the moon, delighted the hearts of the
honest men which were like so many lotus flowers. He was
1 Read '^' 2. Read ' '
64
the swan that took delight in the golden lotus which was
the pair of feet of the lord of Gaurl ( i.e. Mahadeva )
as far as the middle of Kambuja, thanks to the
invincible strength of his arm.1
An2 old image of BhagavatI in Kauthara, famous all
over the world, remained empty for a long time (i.e. the
image was carried away and the temple remained empty and
deserted).
Having made a new stone image of the Goddess adorned
with a variety of ornaments, he again erected a temple of
the Linga of Sandhaka, a temple of Sri Vhmyaka, and a temple
of SrI-Maladakuthara, adorned with Mandapas (Halls) and
wonderful gates, in the year of the Sakaraja, denoted by
'Vivara-haraksa-adri' (739), in the month of Jyaintha, at the
time of the solar eclipse, in order to secure religious merit for
the whole world, and for the sake of fame in this world, and
salvation in the next.
He also offered to Mahabhagavati, gold, silver, jewels,
clothes of variegated colour, and other articles. Ho further
dedicated tields in the Kauthara country together with male
and female slaves, buffaloes etc.
1. The king who resembles Yudhisthira for justice,
the enemy of Kai'isa for heroism, and the Cupid for beauty,
to (Indra ?) for sovereignty, Bhrgu the
f ^
first among men (?) has (appointed) Sri Senapati Pamr an
excellent minister.
1. The relation of the last phrase with the preceding one is
difficult to understand. Does it mean that ho adored Siva, by visi-
ting his temples as far as the middle of Kambuja $
2. It is difficult to understand the significance of the word
4lZ51^ which immediately precedes this sentence, it majT be
the end of a sentence introducing this old story.
65
No. 27. Glai Klong Anoh Stelae Inscription
of Harivarmanf dated 7 XX.
The Cham inscription on the stelae of Glai Klong Anoh,
a small thicket in the fields of Panrang between the villages
of Ram and Pralau, refers to king Sri Harivarmadeva and his
Senapati (general) Panroe. It is dated, but only the hund-
redth figure '7' is legible. It apparently recorded some
donations to God Visnu.
J. A. 1888 (1), p. 77, No. 394.
J. A. 1891 (1), p, 23, No. 394.
No. 28. Bakul Stelae Inscription, dated 5751.
The Sanskrit portion of the inscription was edited by
Bergaigne ( Corpus No. XXV, p. 237) and the Cham por-
tion by Aymonier (J. A., 1891, part I, pp. 25fT). It was
commented upon by Finot (B. E. F., vol. Ill, p. 633, No. V.)
According to Finot, the unpolished stelae bearing this
inscription was found about 3 miles to the west of the
village of Chung-my in the valloy south of Phanrang.
(Aymonior and Borg.aigne are wrong in stating Yangkur as
the place of its origin).
The inscription, engraved on a single face of a rough
stelae, contains 1G lines of writing, the first seven and the last
two being in Sanskrit, and the rest in Cham. The Sanskrit
portion, with the exception of Sri at the beginning, is written
in verse, the metre being vv. 1, 2, 4, Anuritubh, and v. 3.
Upajfiti.
The inscription, which records the donations made to
God Jina and Saukara (that is to say, Buddha and Siva)
by a person named Samanta, was actually composed after
66
the death of the donor by his son Buddhanirvana. The
donations consisted of two monasteries, two temples, and two
pieces of land.
The Cham text gives the date 751 £ (-829 A D.),
records donations to God Mandara in the Parvata and God
PranaveSvara, and refers to two fields and two monasteries,
one of the latter being called D3varaksa.
TEXT.
3ft
i- 0 )
(2)
(3) f^rcrri: ^^r^r srr at
(4)
(6)
VI. (7)
^(^4+>4 «h«u^^i ^TfT^r ^T^f ^nojr^ II
TRANSLATION.
(1) This is the meritorious act of the leader who is famons
by the name of Samanta, and who is under the protection
of the two, viz. Vikranta and T?varaloka.2
1. Read
2. The fir^t line of the first stanza is obscure, and the trans-
lation is merely conjectural. Bergaigne and Barth take the word
*loka' in the sense of 'world'. The former takes it to mean that
Samanta was the guardian of the two worlds of Vikranta (Buddha)
and Sarikara ( j^iva ). The latter says that Samanta was the minis-
ter of a king called Vikruntavarman in this world, ami occupies
the same post in heaven now that both of them were dead, VikrKuta-
1 -:..~ ~.ii..,i vii-v.Tr.t^vjira after his death.
67
(2) Two temples and two monasteries for Jina1 and
sankara were made by him who has reached the state of
bliss ( i. e. gone to heaven ) for the welfare of his kinsmen.
(3) Patpluh added to (?) Humatavov (?), the field called
Khari in the neighbourhood of Da^arnastaka. He desired
moreover noble enjoyments in the other world these
he has given to Jina alone, in the sincerity of his heart.
(4) The son of Samimta, Sthavira Buddhanirvana, com-
posed this poem for the instruction of men of this world.
Nos. 29 A, 29 B, 29 C.
Po Nagar Stelae Inscriptions of
Vikrantavarman II.
For localities, publications etc. cf No 22. No. 29 A contains
two verses (one Anustubh, one Indra- vajnl ), then a prose
fragment, then four verses ( one Upajfiti, one Vasantatilaka
and two Anustubh ), then another prose fragment, and lastly
oneverse in Vasantatilaka. — Total 22 lines.
No. 29 B contains one line in prose.
No. 29 C contains 5 lines in prose.
No. 29 A briefly recites the events recorded in No. 22,
and records the erection of a new temple and the installation
therein of an image of Siva, called Mahadeva, by king
Vikrantavarma. It also records donations made by king
Satyavarman to his temple referred to in No. 22.
Nos. 29 B and 29 C. record donations made by king
1. Jina may denote either the Buddha or MahavTra. Here it
probably denotes the foimer. Vikranta ( Siiiiha ) also refers to him
( cf. Sakyasimha ).
68
VikrSntavarman to the Gods Sri Mahadeva and Sri Satya-
mukhaliriga.
TEXT.
29 (A)
II.
•
. i
I* I
*1 HH cl*S.
'kt l^J M f^ I
20 (B)
IV.
vi.
69
T*t sM«^H44|*W: ^qT
P"
V
T ^TT ^T(^T f^Rf (f^T»
29 (B)
29 (C)
TRANSLATION.
29 (A)
1. Formerly a Mukhalniga was made by Vicitra.
Satyavarman installed it under the name of Satya-
mukhaliriga.
2. Sri Satyavarman, who has unflinching truth as his
armour, and the fame of whose divine nature has spread in
70
alJ directions, has established a 8rlmukhalingako?a of bright
appearance, with purity caused by honest qualities and work.
In the year 5911 of thePvaparayuga, free from the stains
of Kaliyuga, Sri Vicitrasagara established the God £rl Muk-
halinga. All articles of his enjoyment viz; grain-store,
silver, jewels, gold, pitchers for drinking water, vase, white
umbrella with golden rod, fly-whisk, golden vase, and other
things were gradually increased. Then owing to the defects
of the Kaliyuga existing for a long time, multitudes of vicious
cannibals coming from other countries by means of ships,
carried away the images, articles of enjoyment, and the orna-
ments, and the temple became empty. Again to-day, in order
that the glory of this pious work may not be destroyed, king
Satyavarman, like an incarnation of Vicitrasacrara, re-insta-
lled, as before, the Mukhalinrra of the lord of BhagavatI on
the seventh day of the bright fortnight of the month of
Caitra.
III. The Goddess of Kauthfira, possessed of a body sparkling
in beauty, on account of an excellent coatino- of <rOld with her
r-> O '
lace glowing with splendour and beauty like a lotus, and cheeks
aglow with rays of jewels, grants all the desires of those
who bow down to her.
IV. She. the venerable Goddess, the beauty of whose
golden hair is made brilliant by the jewels on her head;
who lives close to the sea of Kauthara, whose long ears are
adorned with spotless jewels of splendid rays, shines in the
three worlds.
V. The sister of this kin£, who is moon ( i. e. foremost )
among those who have prowess as their armours, had a son
who was the fortunate king called Vikrantavarman ,ftuuous
in the world by hia own xnajesty.
71
VI. The king established the Mahadeva together with
KoSa and riches ( astronomical details follow ).
£r! Satyavarman gave to that Lord of BhagavatI, the
granary of Vamdhaun, the granary of ktun and the granary
of Narai with a large number of females.
VII. Those men who protect the goods of the Lord of
the Goddess enjoy the wished for pleasures in heaven, being
engaged in sports with the multitude of gods and the guardians
of the world ; but those, who, worst among mankind, carry
away those goods, fall into the Avici ( hell ) together with
their ancestors.
2<) (B)
The dram Adaira, the dram Kumara, the dram Dnrotak,
the granary of Vnara in the district of Paufirhag, — all these
briVikrantavarman has given, with a sincere heart, to ^rl
29 (0)
Sri Vikrantavarman has also given a diadem, and a dam
over the drain, for the God Sri Satyamukhaliiiga, as well as
a silver cover for the pedestal of Mahadeva.
No. 30
Po-Nagar Stelae Inscription of Vikranta-
varman II, dated S 776,
The inscription was edited by M. Bergaigrie (Corpus No.
XXIV. p. 231) and noticed by Aymouier ( J. A. 1891, Part
I, P- 24. )
Po-Nagar is the name given to a sfcelao found near Panrang
and must not be confounded with the celebrated temple of
that name at Nha-Trang in Khanh-Hoft. The inscription
engraved on a single face of the stelae is composed in Sanskrit,
and contains 17 lines of writing. There are two verses at
the beginning and two more at the end, the middle portion
being written in prose. The Metres are:-v.l Sardula-
vikridita, v. 2 Indravajra, and vv. 3-4 Anustubh.
The inscription records that in the year 776 ( = 854 A. D. )
the king Vikrantavarman granted some lands to two temples
of the God Siva worshipped respectively under the names of
Vikrantarudresvara and Vikrfmtu-devadhibhavesvara.
TEXT.
: 11)
73
x*x
XXX
xxx
x x x
III.
IV. g^f: T^TTr^^<T T^" ^jj
x x x x
TIIANSI.AT10N.
1 Sri din^M, ..................
of the ]K)i'tioii of the niooi i ...............
A^ahi, he Vikr( autarudre^vjirah ).
2. Kiii^ Sri Vikraiitavarman, who is Indra per son i lied,
gave these vast fields to Vikrantarudra. He, king Vikranta-
varmadevti, who was adorned with golden ornaments (?)
containing pearls and lapislazuli which shone like full moon ;
who was under the shade of a white umbrella which covered
all the points of the direction ( i.e. all horizon ) because its
profundity was greater than that of the sea ; whose wholef
body was decorated with diadem, waistband, necklace, and
ear-rings, made of gold, ruby and other jewels, and shining
like lightning ; whose feet, comparable to lotus, were worshi-
pped by a host of retinue and multitude of Brahmanas, priests,
persons having right to seats in the first rank, Kfcatriyas and
other kings ............ ; by the inaudible end of the syllable
Oni ...... who is of pure birth ; -( he, the king ) gave, in the
year of the Saka king 'KoV-aga-muni' (776), for performing
sacrifices to ISvara ( i.e. Siva ) and for the sake of great
glory in heaven and earth, a long and excellent field,
now made the fiield of Siva, to Sri Vikra,ntarudre6vara,-who
is the cause of the prosper*^ of the whole world, who is the
preceptor of the three worlds, and who puts an end to the
agonies of sorrow. Subsequently he gave to Srl-Vikranta-
devadhibhavesvara a field called Srldeva, lying close by, as a
meritorious gift, for the sake of glory in the two worlds.
III. Those who protect this famous Rudraknetra (field
of Rudra ) for the lord of the ascetics (i.e. Siva ) would go
to heaven ; those who destroy would fall into damned hell.
IV. This great field of Rudra, full of Vrlas and Kiriltas has
been jnven bv the fortunate Vikrantfivarman.
No 31.
Dong; Duong Stelae Inscription of
Indravarman II, dated S 797.
The inscription was edited by M. Fiiiot(B. E. F.,Vol. IV, p. 84.)
The ruins of Dong-Duong are situated about 12 or 13
miles to the south-east of My-son in the province of Quang-
Nam, the ancient AmaravatI ( for full details of the ruins and
the position of the inscription, cf. Parmentier's account in
B. E. F., Vol. Ill, p. 80)
The inscription is engraved on the four faces of a stelae
containing respectively 24, 24, 23 and 31 lines. The langua-
ge is Sanskrit, and with the exception of the benedictory for-
mula at the beginning arid two prose pieces at the end of the
second and the fourth face, the inscription is written in
verse. The metres are :
75
A. vv. 6, 7, 9, 10, 11, Sragdhara ; vv. 8, 12, 13, Sardulavi-
krldita; vv. 15, 17, 23, Indravajra; vv. 18-21 Arya; v. 14. Ma-
linl; v. 16, Upajati; v. 22, Anustubh.
B. v. 2, Prthvl ; vv. 3, 4, Anusbubh; vv. 5, 6, 8, 10, 13,
Sardulavikrldita ; vv. 12, 15, Sragdhara; v. 7, MalinI ; v. 11,
Indravajra; v. 14, Arya ; v. 9; Vasantatilaka.
C. vv. 1-3, 5, G. Anustubh ; v. 4, Sardulavikrldita ; vv. 7-
9, Upajati.
D. vv. 1-3, Anustubh.
The Inscription records the foundation of a Buddhist
temple and a monastery dedicated to Laksmlndra Loke3vara
by king Jaya Indravarman in 797 Saka ( 875 A. D. ), and
gives the following genealogy of the king.
ParameSvara.
Uroj.-i.
King Sri lludravarma.
King Bliadravarma.
Indravariml,
TEXT.
A
(*)
VI. 13 sft
VII.
VIII.
IX.
X
•
XI.
76
j QI« i <!]!*•
v
fT T^T^^T ............ I
(1°)
* TV
XII. *n
X V.
VTT r
xv i .
XVI L
XVIII.
77
XIII. (P^) ^T*5qrr: q^^rr^ g- gr ^rr «r
11
78
XIX.
XX. (R*) sfr
XXI. fT^TC^^RlEn TT^T 3TRT
XX 1 1
XXIII.
/gr ^rn^r f%$r ^ --
B.
I. (^) ...... (R) ...... ^Sr^TT ......
II.
III.
IV.
II
V.
79
VI.
VII.
VIII. :??
X. (
XI.
1. Rend
44
sewn
"
XI I. 7T4JI<4l*
80
H
XIII. ^
f^^ i
XIV
XV.
1. V. XII. As it stands, the t^xt offers no suitable
but I propose the following emendation : —
||
Evan enemies who had transgressed the boundaries are not
forsaken by that good ieader but become dear unto him when, repe-
ntant for their action thf y seek his protection with flattering words.
Although he consecrated the imnge of LokeSn, eminent in all the
attributes of God, be felt no pride in his work. Docile as ho was, he
did tint nvn.pt.Up tho f-uiltv doctrine, if any, recorded in scriptures.
81
c.
II.
W "S^ffl M ( ^)^f WTO
III.
IV.
VIIL
IX.
V.
VI. ^%^ri%(9\s)Tw ^r ^Frsi ^ g- 55?:
VII.
82
1).
IL
III.
*l FT
TRANSLATION.
A.
Reverence to Lakrsmlndra-LokeSvfira.
1... Longs for otlier'.s wealth .........
2. ..By the gods, Yaksas, Gandharvvas and Daityas...
3-5. Bhadrel vara ...... Bhygu was sent.
6. He, another Bhadresvara ...... Sambhu always knows,
in his mind ......
7. This liiiga of Bhadre-vara was installed.
8. As the gods who dwell in heaven, and whose profound
intelligence has been purified by residence in heaven, take
shelter to his feet, out of devotion, for obtaining salvation,
even so the kings, the gods dwelling upon the earth, bow
down to the feet of Bhadrelvara, and thereby become pros-
perous.
9. All the excellent gods, devoted to their own Work, hav-
ing obtained thy world which is difficult to gain, excellent and
incomparable, obtain progeny and then suddenly go back
to their own world. jSambhu knows this and says thus in
laughter, to the grand Uroja.
10. "All the gods, possessed of a gracious heart, have
obtained children." Having made this reflection, bambhu,
with smiling face and eyes, sent Uroja (with the following
words : ) 'Thou art fortunate Uroja, and a receptacle of
prosperity ; thy fame, too, is more widely spread ; go thou
to the earth, and take the kingdom along with the dust of the
feet of yonr lord, Sambhubhadre^vara/
11. He obtained the kingdom, and this linga, the work
of Tsa the irrepressible and fit to be placed on the heads by
all the kings, was installed in the world. And Uroja himself
thus announced its glory, saying: "Let this Hugo, be the best
that shines in the three worlds (bkut b/fiwu and sva) for doing
good to the world.
12. The lingtt of Adlura, the well-known means of deli-
verance ( of the world ), which Bhygu got from Isa, was again
obtained from Bhrgu by Uroja. (By this) the world is directed.
May this linga, established at Champa by your Lordship O
Ura, and always doing good to the world, be also beneficial
to me by ( the merits of ) honest persons.1
13. The gods in heaven did riot obtain any boon from
ParameSvara, (as) the deliverance, i. e. the linr/ii, the symbol
of deliverance, had fallen to the earth below. Hence the
gods, injured by the Asuras, were bereft of their pride. But
1. Tae idea probably is *that honest persons would give to the
author of the poem a share of the merit which they would obtain
by worshipping the Liriga.
84
the gods below, viz., the kings, are prosperous in the world on
account of the god Bhadresvara. Hence while the gods were
not powerful, the prosperity of the kings is on the increase.
14. May this pious hymn, surpassing a mass of glory, be
agreeable to the Munis (ascetics) who are the abode of hymns
of praises ( i. c. who are skilful in composing hymns of prai-
ses ). May this increase the prosperity of the kings. Let
the world bow to Sambhubhadresvara.
15. He who has obtained the position of the head of the
gods by means of his extra-ordinary power and fame, who is
called Sambhubhadresvara, to him I address this hymn out of
devotion.
16. Sarnbhubhadresvara, shining in the company of a
number of gods, is alone fit to be worshipped. He, the very
quintessence of purification, protected the city of Champa
where all the religions were prevalent.
17. All the kings who have reigned in prosperous Champa,
have become famous in the world, as Bhadresvara there forms
the essence of perpetuity and sovereignty, and also on account
of the good rule of Uroja.
18. From the son ( or family ) of Paramesvara was born
Uroja, the king of the world. From him was born the fortu-
nate and intelligent Dharmaraja.
19. From him was born the intelligent king Sii Rudra-
varmma. The son of the latter was the far-famed kino- Sri
o
Bhadravarmma.
20. The son of Sri Bhadravarmmfi, known as Sri Indra-
varman has become the king of Champa through the grace of
Mahe^vara.
21. Thus the sovereignty of the king was transmitted in
its entirety from those kings (lit. sons). It was not given by
the grandfather or the father.
85
22. By the special merit of his austerities, and by virtue
of his pure intelligence, he gained ( the kingdom) , not from
his grandfather or father.
23. It is from Bhadresvara that Indravarmman got the
sovereignty for thus Uroja lord ( through) the
grace of mother earth.
B.
1. By the intelligence king Hari installed it.
2. To the august god, who dwells in Malaya, and causes
the deliverance of the world of the men... (a liriga) in the
form of a Kosa with golden face, was promptly established
again by the sage king.
3. Thus this linya of Sambhu has come down through a
line of kings and carefully made by me
4. And in making (i. e. establishing) this supreme and
eminent Lokesvara, born from a succession of Buddhas, I shall
contribute to the deliverance of ( the beings of) the world.
5. "Who are the gods, the essence of whose soul is pity,
and whose intelligence is wide awake in saving creatures?
Loke^a was always full of kindness and his patience was in-
comparable." Desiring to learn what Dharma is, the king
thought thus in his heart, and being skilful in finding out the
essence of supreme truth, he made this Loke?a by his own
hand.
6. Formerly this land was wide and excellent, and for a
long time adorned with beauty.1 The men there who were
very rich, excellent, and born in good family had no king2,
1. 4SobW for sobha is an unusual form, but cf. *Cesta' for
'CestS'.
2. Here the finite and infinite verbs have differert nominatives
against the rule of grammar.
86
and (therefore) some rich man made himself king in some
locality ; but thou, known as Prthivindravarmman, were the
unique king of the world, almost equal to Indra.
7. In some places Indra, Brahma, and Visira,1 in some
places Vasuki, in some places Sankara, in some places, ascetics
(rsis), Sun, Moon, Varuna, Agni (fire), and in some places
image of Abhayada (Buddha) appeared for the deliverance
of creatures.
8. Men, over-powered by sorrows, and the dwellers in
hell, long to see thee, day and night ; as thirsty men over-
powered by sun's heat long for cool water in summer, so they,
suffering from many sorrows, wish to have a view of thine.
9. May the king, whose superior mind has been purified
by successive births, followed by excellent men, protect you
in order to rule the whole of beloved Champa. May the
Goddess of Sovereignty in her turn always protect him.
10. As long as Indra protects the heaven nccording
to the rule of Dharma, and by virtue of sacrifice ; as long as
the ocean, in its profundity, holds the water of the rivers ;
as long as the atmosphere, decorated with stars, maintains
the Sun and the Moon; so long may the pious and auspicious
king bear the yoke and dignity of Buddha.
11. Equal in splendour to the gods, and named Laksml-
ndra-Bhumi^vara-Grama, he was first introduced by the king,
and then celebrated by the hymns of the best of poets.
12. ( See Text, above, ou p. 80 and footnote ).
13. Adorned with the riches of Fortune, without equal
in respect of royal glory, knowledge, wisdom, splendour, fame,
sacred learning, polity, renown, arid conduct; protected by
1. The letter *ja' at the end of Brahma, Visiiu and Valabhit
would mean their sons, but that does not seem to be the sense.
87
Mercury, Mars, Jupiter, the Moon, the Sun, Venus and
Saturn ; the illustrious Jaya Indravarmman shines forth
in wisdom.
14. The marks of fortune which are spread all over his
body increase his future sovereignty and invincible prowess
in the world.
15. In the year of the Saka king, denoted by muni,
nava and giri (797), (astronomical details) he, Indravarma, by
means of his own command, erected (the image of) Svabha-
yada i. e. Buddha.
1C. Now the king Sri Jaya Indravarmmjl, Maharajadhi-
raja, — who became king of Champa by virtue of peculiar
merits accruing from austerities of many previous births ;
whose fame for high intelligence obtained by divine favour
spread in all directions and in the sky ; whose fame is unpa-
ralleled ; whose only possession is fame; whose fortune has
increased the satisfaction ol' whose heart and beautified the
eyes and face; — became Sri Laksmmdra-Gramasvami and the
best of all the teachers in the world. Again Sri Ava-
lokitesvara Sri Indravarmmadeva two gold.
C.
1. For the sake of Dharma, and not for revenue, a mo-
nastery has been founded for the community of monks (').
2. I have placed all necessaries in the monastery for the
enjoyment of the community of inonks as well as other
creatures.
3. This monastery has been founded for the perpetual
enjoyment of the community of monks, and not for the enjoy-
ment of the king, nor as a permanent source of revenue.
4. Those who will protect all these riches of the monks —
the learned Brahmanas, ascetics, relations of the king — will,
8ft
with their friends and kindreds, attain the Buddhist Nirvana
to which there is no parallel. Those who take or destroy
( the riches ) go to the hell called 'Rudra*.
5. Those who see or hear about persons taking away
those goods, and yet do not report to the king, go to the
hell.
6. Those who, again and again, report to the king, do
not fall into the hell with their father and other relations.
7. Those who take away those goods — Ksatriyas, kings
or Brahmanas — fall every day into the doleful hell along
with their father and mother.
8. Those who, out of regard for my words, or for the
enjoyment of the community of monks, protect the goods —
fields, gold, silver and bell-metal — reach the abode of Buddha
with servants etc.
9. Those who take away (the goods), disregarding my
words, — kings, Brahmanas, and wealthy men — go to all the
eight hells with their father, mother and other relations.
D.
( 1—3 ) (Enumeration of fields ) All these fields the king
has given to Lokesa.
Now the king Sri Indravarinma has given these fields
together with their corns, male and female slaves and other
goods, such as gold, silver, bell-metal, iron, copper etc. to
LokeSvara, for the enjoyment of the community of monks
and for the sake of the propagation of Dharma. Those
kings, Ksatriyas Brahmanas, ministers merchants wlio
take away or destroy (these), they should go to (the hell
called) Maharaurava. Again, those who protect, maintain,
and discover ( what others have taken away ), would go to
heaven or attain Nirvana as they like.
No. 32.
Bo-Mang Stelae Inscription of Indravarman II
dated 8 1 1 Saka.
The Inscription was edited by M. Huber ( B. E. F. Vol. XI,
p. 209 ).
This inscription, together with No. 34, was engraved on
the four faces of a 8telae found at Bo-Mang, a village about
10 miles to the south-west of Touranne in the district of
Quang-Nain.
The inscription contains 42 lines of writing, the first 14
lines in Sanskrit and the rest in Cham. The Sanskrit portion
contains, besides the invocation, seven verses and one prose
text. The metres used are VV. 1, 2, 5, Arya; V. 3, Sar^ula-
Vikrldita, VV. 4, G, 7, Anustubh.
The inscription records the erection of Saiva images by
the minister of king Sri Jaya Indravarman and the religious
donations of the latter consisting of lands and slaves. It is
dated in the year 811 (-889 A. D. ).
TEXT.
I. (V)
II. Tr
III.
90
* *• WWfei Wff ^«i i^T ^iiMnt
^iiftdw 444K«fl sfmrfr ijidft ftrarr ii
V.
VI.
^ 35TT5T^fi' ^
VII. ^TP
1*44
1. T
TRANSLATION.
Revorencu to Siva !
1. Victory to Lord tSrl Bhadresvara, \vho is extolled hy
the sages and gods like Brahma and others, who is the
supreme deity, who is the primeval Being, who conquered
Tripura (demon), and who is the object of meditation of the
ascetics,
2. The royal minister WRH named Ajfia Manicaitya ; lie
was famous in all directions for his manifold qualities, he
reposed confidence in his faith in God (Mahadeva), and he
shone in the world by his virtues.
3. In the ^aka year denoted by * ^asi-rupa-mangala '
(811) — (astronomical details follow) — he has installed this
91
beautiful statue of the great goddess, the wife of l£a ( t. c.
Bhagavati ).
4. He has installed this Sri Mahalirigadeva (in honour ?)
of his father, and also a beautiful (image of) MahadevI, dear
to his mother.
5. His younger brother, called Tsvaradeva, for the sake
of his own glory and that of his father in this world, in-
stalled, with joy, this (image of) Sri Isavaradevadideva.
0. Sri Java Indravarman, who is versed in scriptures
and the usages of th°> world, dedicated a field, together with
slaves to Sri-Mahal irigadeva
7. Let the lords of Champa, noble kings, wrho are de-
sirous of retaining their position as long as the Sun and the
Moon endure, listen to these words of king Sri Jaya Indra-
varman which conform to the Dharma and express supreme
truth.
Those who do any injury to Sri Mahalihgadeva would
fall into hell ; those who forcibly take away any of its articles,
slaves, fields, oxen and buffaloes would fall into a great hell
terrible on account of burning fire. Those conversant with
Dharma, who justly protect (the temple of) the mighty god,
would reside in heaven.
Jt-tJ. (CJtlMlt.).
The king Java Indravarman has given a religious endow-
ment to the god Mahalinoa for defraying the expenses of his
worship. If any man destroy the goods of the god .Vlahalinga
or have it destroyed by somebody else, the mother of this
man would be haunted by multitude of dogs, and after his
death he would live in the dark hell and remain there till, the
end of the yuya and the destruction of the world. I^t ^b®
persons who observe fast, practise austerities and know the
Dharma, and the sacrifices who practise austerities and know
the Dharma, protect and embellish this temple of God Maha-
lifiga; they will go to heaven. (Thou follows an enumera-
tion of 15 fields ). All these fields king Java Indravarman
has given to the god Mahal iiiga.
No. 33.
Phu Thuan Stelae Inscription of Indra-
varman II ( ?).
The inscription was edited by E. Huber (B. E. F., Vol.
XI, p. 10).
Phu Thuan is a village in the Subdivision of Que-Son to
the west of My-son. The inscription is written in Cham and
records a donation made by king Indravarman to the god
Bhagya-kantesvara. On palaeographical evidence, the in-
scription may be referred to the 9th or 10th century A. D.
So it belongs to the reign of either Indravarman II or Indra-
varman III.
TRANSLATION.
Hail ! Here is what I command, I, Sri Indravarmadeva,
king of kings, of the country of Champa. 1 exempt tho
(temple of) god Sri Bhagya-kantesvara from all taxes. I
employ four priests who would serve as sacrificers at his
service, and give (the taxes) to them for defraying their own
expenses and those of the worship. In regard to my do-
nations to these priests, I implore the future kings and the
future inhabitants of this country to respect my endowments.
Because in acting thus they will be happy in this kingdom or
elsewhere, and alter death gain the heaven of &va. But if
93
the men destroy my pious foundation made in favour of the
curates of the temple, or have it destroyed by others, then
they would go to the Avici hell.
No. 34.
Bo-Mang Stelae Inscription of Jaya
Simhavarman I.
The inscription was first noticed by Aymonier (J. A.
1896, fart I, p. 150) and then edited by M. Huber ( B. E. F.,
Vol. XI, p. 275) (for details cf. No. 32). It records the
pious donations of the king Sri Jaya Simhavarman. It con-
tains two Sanskrit verses, the metre being*; v. 1, Indravajra,
v. 2 Anustubh.
T E X T .
1 11
II.
TRANSLATION.
1. Sri Jaya Simhavarman, king of Champa, king of
kings, famous and of unequalled prowess, (the fame of)
whose fortune, knowledge, and power has reached other
lands, made this pious work for the god of gods.
2. He, of great fame has given the Mukti8 (?) and a
white banner to Sri Mahalingadeva who is refuge of all in
this world.
1. Head ' ^q^R '.
2. This probably stands for ' Bhukti ' denoting territory.
94
No. 35.
Ban-Ianh stelae Inscription of Jaya Siifiha-
varman I Dated 820 Saka.
The inscription was edited by M. Finot ( B. E. F., Vol.
IV, p. 99). Ban-lanh is the name of a village about 12 miles
to the north of Dong Duong ( cf . No. 31). The inscription
is engraved on the three faces of a stelae which has been re-
moved from its original position. The first face contains,
besides the invocation, 15 lines of writing, of which LL. 1-10
are in Sanskrit and LL. 10-15 in Cham. The second face
contains 18 lines: LL. 1-5 in Cham, LL. 5-10 in Sanskrit,
arid LL. 10-18 in Chain. The third face contains 11 lines in
Cham. The Sanskrit portion contains 9 verses and one prose
piece, the metre being vv. 1, 8, Anustubh ; vv. 3 and 5, Sar-
dularikrldita; v. 2, Mandakranta ; v. 4, Puspitagra; vv. 6, 7,
9, Indravajra.
The inscription purports to be a deed of protection and
immunity granted by king Jaya Simhavarman in favour of
two temples viz., a temple of Rudramadhye^vara founded by
a royal official called Srikalpa, and a temple of 8ivalmge*a
founded by muni Sivacharya in 820 Saka ( = 898 A. D.).
This last date is probably also that of the inscription itself.
King Jaya Simhavarman appears to be a successor of Hrl
Jaya Indravarman.
TEXT.
95
II.
III.
IV.
V.
VI. w^^^T
VII.
9f>
VIII.
IX.
TRANSLATION.
Reverence to Siva.
(1) Hail !
I The supreme Sri Jaya GuheSvara, before whose two
lotus-like feet multitudes of gods, Asuras (demons) and
Munis (sages) prostrate themselves, triumphs in the three
worlds.
II. (An image) of that (god)- Inade of g°W an<1 ^
eellent silver, together with various gifts and a variety ol
wealth, was established in the world, like a Mpa-tr* ot
glory, by the great (king) who reigned with the great
standard of Vim.m and killed the poisonous tree wlueh i»
Kali, antagonistic to the prosperity of U'ings-
III. The captain of guards of that king Su-J^v
Simhavannan, was virtuous, wholly devoted to Ins master,
asylumn of glory arising from his prosperity, and famous as
avast and profound ocean of intelligence. Having secured
the desires of his heart and being beloved by the whole
world like a precious stone, he guards his place without any
disturbance.
IV. Resolute, having a fortune superior to that of the
king, full of nobility, well-practised in meritorious deeds, hm
celestialfaee is superior to that of the Sun as it earnes the
entire Lakemi (splendour) both day and night.
97
V. He received from king Jaya Indravarmanr three
names : He bore in the kingdom the name Kvarakalpa, prais*
ed by the learned men, for intelligence; he was also called
^ivakalpa, illumined by the splendour of gems ; he was also
called Srikalpa, like an ocean, full oi magnificent talents (o*
decorated by Laksini and Moon in the case of ocean ).
VI. Desirous of spiritual merit, and devoted to the
philosophy of Siva, he installed in the world, by the favour
of king Sri Jaya Siinhavarman, the god Sri Rudramadhye-
6vara, of a strange body, out of devotion for Him.
(Cham) The king protects the divine Guru (Siva) in
the temple ( ( ). At the earl oi' four years ......... for the use of
divine Guru ......... the goo<K, of men belonging to the temple
......... There was an order of king Sri Java Simhavarma-
deva to four ascetics. The men belonging to this temple who
would protect all the goods of the gods Sri Rudramadhye-
Rvara and Sivaliiigesvara, slaves, oxen. buffaloes, fields, gold,
silver ............ these men would eternally live in heaven with
their parents.
(1>).
( Chain ) The men who ............ would take away those
goods for themselves would fall into the hell called Maha-
raurava ............ All those who ............ the mother of these
people. Order of king Sri Jaya Simhavarmadeva, — he gives
to these two ......... servants, wealth, food .........
( Sanskrit) Sri Vrddhesvara, formerly installed by great*
grandfather, having been overthrown by the strangers* the
mm*-? (ascetic) named Si vacarya has re-installed (it under
the name of) Sri ^i
VII. Well versed in £aiva rites, fomd of good works,
with an intelligence capable of understanding the nature: of
divine worship, and meditating in his rnind on the immense
OS
virtues of his parents, he made this pious work for the sake
of glory.
VIII. In the year of the Sakas denoted by ' kha-dvi-
asta ' ( 820 ), the fifth day of the dark fortnight of the month
of suci, the Sivaliiiga was installed by the intelligent Siva-
carya.
IX. King Sri Jaya Siiiihavarmaii has kindly made all
exemptions in favour of the two gods, Sri RudramadhyeSvara,
who has wonderful divine faculties, and Sivaliiigadeva, the
lord of the Siddhas (a class of semi-divirie-beings).
(Cham). Enumeration of Hi-Ids granted by Sri Jaya
Simhavarmadeva.
(<•)-
The men who would protect this good work who
would conduct their sons and daughters to the temple for
living therein as its property ( .') ( Enumeration of fields).
No 36.
Dong Duong Stelae Inscription of
Jayasirhhavarman I.
The inscription was edited by M. Finot (B. E. F., Vol.
IV, p. 105). For localities cf. No. 31. The inscription is
engraved on four faces of a stelae found outside the boundary
of the temple. The first face has, besides the invocation, 17
lines in Sanskrit verse. The second face is very much
damaged and has, besides the invocation, 15 lines in Sanskrit.
There are six verses with a prose-piece between verses IV and
V. The third face has 14 lines in Cham besides the invo-
cation. The fourth face has six lines in Cham. The metres
u^ed are: Face A: — vv. 1, 6, Indravajra; vv. 2, 3, Prthvl;
v. 4, Arya; v. 5, Sragdhara; v. 7, Anustubh; v. 8, Sardula-
vikridita ; vv. 9-10, Nardataka. Face B : — v. 5, Arya ; v. 6,
Vasantatilaka.
99
The inscription commences with an invocation in honour
of Paramesvara Guhesvara, and then follows an eulogy of
king Jaya Simhavarman. It records some pious foundations
by princess Haradevi Rajakula, younger sister of the mother
of the king. Haradevi Rajakula was the widow of a king
who had the posthumous name Parama-Buddhaloka. The
Abhisekandma of this king is not recorded, but as the god
installed in his memory by his widow is called Indraparame-
svara, it may be safely inferred that the proper name of the
king was Indravarman. This Indravarman is probably no
other than the king of the same name referred to in Nos. 31
and 35. We know from No. 31 that he was greatly attached
to Buddhism, and this accords full well with the posthumous
name Paraina Buddhaloka. We gather from No. 35 that
Jaya Simhavarman succeeded Indravarman, and it would thus
follow that after the death of the latter the throne passed on
to the son of the elder sister of his queen Haradevi.
T EXT.
II.
II
III. 5fT^^^PT5[wfer — ^ -- ^ fTt
\
V.
VI.
VII.
V 1 1 1 .
IX.
X.
100
H
5
H
5^ ^ fa
^^l ^T«r
II
j H
101
II.
HI.
IV.
srJrfSTNri:
V. sit<4Kl ^^i
^fr ii^^Hi^wr: ir[rri%T^r ^r IK^^II: H
VI.
frRANRLAT[ON.
(«.).
Keveveuce to Siva.
1. Who reduced Kama (Cupid) to ashes (lit. condition
or state of being without a body ) ; and from whom Kama
102
again got back his beautiful body ; before whose feet, like
lotus, the gods bow down.
2. He is Paramesvara, called in this world GuheSvara,
who brings about peace, victory and happiness to Kumara ;
whose feet, like lotus glory of his excellent son; he
gains repeated victories for the steady growth of the pros-
perity of his own kingdom.
3. This city called Champa, decorated with the wealth
of Indrapura (city of Indra — may denote also a town of that
name in Champa ), beautified by white lotus, and ornamented
with excellent lotus flowers, was made in ancient days by
Bhrgu, and contains splendour which yet remains unsur-
passed.
4. This excellent city, protected by fortunate Jaya
Sifhhavarman gaining new splendour by his prowess,
shines here, inseparably united with fortune.
5. The king, who is the receptacle of dignity and quali-
ties that cause delight to the intellect:1 who is the refuge of
virtuous men following divine course of conduct, and whose
heart has been made generous by religious impulse: who
possesses many jewels and precious stones, and is therefore
like the unshaken Mountain of Gold which possesses wonder-
ful riches; and who is beautiful like a kalpa, tree decorated
with fine gems.
6. Who, by his own (white) fame, has made all the
directions in this world white; who has illumined all the men
by his prowess ; who has blinded the enemies by his anger,
and made his wives affectionate by his lustre.
1. The poet probably has in mind the conventional group of
qualities called fisj $$[: and deli red in Knmandaka a* follows:
7. His laudable spirit, not inclined to evils, is very bene-
ficial in religious matters, and is chary of vices, condemned by
honest men.
8. King Jayasimhavarman has a maternal aunt (mother's
sister); she is always skilful in virtuous work, endowed
with exceptional qualities, and decorated by the increase of
fortune ; she takes delight in her fame and hopes ; she is an
asylumn of pious thoughts formed in her mind, and she is
very skilful in making perfumes and arranging flowers and
clothes.
9. She takes delight in her devotion to the feet of her
clear husband; she is well disposed towards the supreme
truth ; she makes the best use of her wealth according to re-
ligious precepts and her inborn qualities; she constantly
makes gifts to Brfthmanas, ascetics (yati) and virtuous people
in the world, and she lives with the sole object of worshipping
the i'eet of Siva.
10. Her fame was purified by the praises of elderly
relatives; she was united with fortune merely to cause un-
mixed delight to them : she was noble ; she obtained dear
and pure boons from the favour (of those elderly persons);
her riches were produced by unshakable determination and
her intelligence was without blemish.
<!>)•
Rexervncu to Panune^vara.
1. She, Pu lyari Rfljukula, was adept in virtue and had
a beautiful face
2. She says what is true, not what is untrue; what is
pure and not what is impure. The absence of jealousy
4. In the pure month of Jyaistha, gods have been in-
stalled at Iiidrapur by that benevolent lady for the sake of
glory.
104
............. . ____ By Sii Jayashnhavarmadeva, lord of the
tnty of Champa, who appreciates ( lit. knows) the qualities of
honest persons, and who possesses a penetrating intelligence
............... has been installed, in this city named Indrapura,
the august goddess known as Haroma1 for increasing the re-
ligious merit of his mother's }Tounger sister princess Ajiia
Pov Ku lyah Sii RAjakula, also known as Haradevi. Sri
Indraparamesvara was installed by princess Ajiia Pov ku
lyan Sri R&jakula, who is of virtuous mind and is a connoi-
sseur of qualities .................. for the sake of religious merit
of her own husband king Sri Paramabuddhaloka. In the
same £aka year the princess Ajiia Po ku Ivan Sii Rftjakula
has installed the god Rudrapfiramesvara ior increasing the
religious merit of her father. And for increasing the religi-
ous merit of her own mother, princess Ajfia Pov ku lyan
Rajakula installed, with pious devotion, this goddess Sri
Rudromfl.
5. Victorious is the goddess called HaroinAdevI, the
great glory in the world, and a reflected image, as it were,
of Haradevl Rajakula.
6. The august god Indraparame'vara, the august god
Rudraparamesvara, and the august goddess Rudroma, sup-
porter of the world, those three deities, adored by gods and
men, are triumphant in this world.
(«)•
Reverence to all ............
His majesty king Sri Jaya Simhavarmadeva grants
exemption from taxes to the god Sii Indraparamesvara, to
the goddess Sri HaromadevI, to the god Sii Rudraparame-
svara and to the goddess Sii Rudroma. If any wretch
1. Haronitt ( =Harn-f Unia) may denote the fc«fcfal?ftetf' in
which Sivrt and Unit! are combined. More probably the question
here is only of ffoddoss Um5, called after Ilaradevi, Harorna.
105
carries away the servants or any articles of these deities he
would fall into the hell called MahAraurava. Moreover, if
any noble soul protects these deities or their goods, he would
obtain complete salvation and go to heaven. All these divi-
nities have the use I, princess Jyah Rajakula, I leave
this pious work as a legacy in this world. If any distingu-
ished man maintains this pious foundation, his virtues will
be recognised by the gods. I, woman as I am, I adore the
god Pa ram e s va ra.
(<i).
Order of If this man abstains from doing evil
to me, to my family, and to all the creatures, and if this man
follows the order of his Majesty Sri Jaya Simhavarmadeva
addressed to me, lyan Rajakula this man he
will enable all the men, without distinction, promptly to
gain deliverance and enjoy heaven.
No. 37.
An-Thai Stelae Inscription dated 824 S.
The inscription was edited by M. Huber ( B. E. F., Vol. XI,
p. 277 ). It was engraved on two faces of a stelae found at
An-Thai in the district of Quang-Nam. It contains 22 lines
of writing, the last three lines being in Cham, and the rest
in Sanskrit. The Sanskrit portion contains two prose pas-
sages and twelve verses, besides the invocation. The first
two verses are almost entirely lost. The metres used are :
v. 3, Sragdhara; vv. 4 and 7, Arya; vv. 5, 8-11, Anustubh ;
v. 6, Indravajra; v. 12, Upajati.
The inscription records the erection of a statue of Loka-
nfttha in 824 Saka ( = 902 A. D.) by Sthavira Nftga-Puspa
the abbot of the monastery of Pramudita-LokeSvora. It
IOC
further relates that the monastery was founded by Bhadra-
varman II, and confirmed in its possessions by Indravarman
II. This is the earliest Buddhist Inscription found at
Champa.
TEXT.
(a).
I
: n
III.
V. ^i
r: H
VI. ^^ v — w
VII.
^ff gr^ H =3- f^fwf n^d^if%^r<Ni^i^ n
VIII.
R
1. Read
107
(b).
iai «nji
XI. HNi
XII.
TRANSLATION.
(a).
Reverence to Lokanatha.
I. Hail ! constant reverence to that merciful one by
whom ............ one form ............ has been manifested. Those
whose happiness was over, and who were being struck by
iron rods ............... got the highest salvation by thinking of
LokeSvara.
III. Sinful men, attached to their works in former
lives, and without any hope of deliverance, were eternally
surrounded by the terrible hosts of Mara, and overpowered
by hunger and thirst, on account of their want of liberality
and aversion to Sugata (i. e. Buddha) in former times.
1. Read
2. Road
108
But being rescued by Vajrapani from the hell, they secured
the way (to salvation) pointed out by the Buddha.
IV. The monk (sthavlra) named Nagapuspa, who
adored the feet of virtuous men, was highly esteemed by
king Bhadravarman, and cherished very loyal and friendly
feelings towards him.
V. He, (the king), established, for Nagapuspa, with
sentiments full of devotion, the ( monastery ) of Lokeavara,
who is omnipresent in the world. May He (Lokesvara),
consecrated for the sake of religious instruction, lead to his
(the king's ?) glory in the world.1
VI. Sri Indravarman, king of Champa, who was puri-
fied by the raj^s of glory ............... world, who bestows all
kinds of happiness, and who is ( protected ) by Indra (as an )
armour, did the same kind of things to him (Nagapuspa).
VII. Having drunk the nectar of mercy, and being de-
voted to the good of his subjects in a unique manner, he
gave all exemptions (i. e. from imposts) to Pramuditaloke-
VIII. This Vajradhfitu, who, although non-existent, is
the cause of the Vajra-wielder, became by the command of
Sri Sakyamuni, the abode of the Buddhas.
IX. Then Padmadhatu, the great non-existent, (but)
the cause of Lokesvara, became, by the logic of Amitrtbha's
words (commands), the abode of the Jinas (I. e. the Buddhas).
1. Huber translates : 'Desiring to extend his glory all over
the world, and delighted to hear religious instruction, he construct-
ed for Nltgapuspa (a monastery placed under the name of) Avalo-
kiteavara, for the king was full of faith and love for him who is om-
nipresent in the world/
109
(b).
X. This Cakradhatu, who, although beyond the state
of non-existence, would be the cause of Vajrasattva, became,
by the command of Vairocana, the third abode of the Jinaa
(i. e. Buddhas).
XI. The monk (sthavira ) Nagapuspa, equal in intelli-
gence and piety to a former monk of his own family, called
Nagapu.-jpa, flourishes in this world.
Whatever fields etc. king Sri Bhadravarman granted to
the monastery of Pranmditalokesvara, by his command and
for the .sake of his religious merit, all that has been confirm-
ed by Sri Indravarman, king of all kings, for the sake of his
favour.
XII. When the year of the Sakas, denoted by 'yuga-
karima-kaya' (824) had elapsed, (astronomical details) he
established this Lokaniitha for the sake of his glory.
(The concluding portion in Cham contains an enumera-
tion of the fields granted ).
No. 38.
The Chau-sa stelae Inscription of Jayasirhha-
S
varman I dated 825 Saka.
The inscription was edited by M. Huber ( B. E. F., Vol.
XI, p. 282). It was engraved on the four faces of a stelae
found at Chau-sa in the district of Quang-Ngai. The first
face contains 21 lines besides the invocation, of which nearly
15 lines are almost wholly illegible. In line 3 the name of
king Sri-Jaya-Indravarman, and in L. 5, that of two digni-
taries viz., Po klufi Pimilis and Danay Pinari can be read.
In line 7 we have " }^ena sthapita T?a3 Srl-Indra-deva-
hvaya faraikarnurttibhir-yukte sakabde sraddhaya "
110
It may be supposed, therefore, that this part of the inscrip-
tion records the consecration of a linga, called Indradeva, in
honour of the king Indravarman, by a dignitary, in the year
815 ( = 893 A.D.). Line 13 refers to king Sri Jayasirhhavarman.
The text from L. 16 onwards is given below. It relates the
erection of another linga, called Sri Sankaresa, by the same
person in 825 ( = 903 A. D.), and the donations of the king to
this god.
The second face of the inscription is totally lost. The
last two sides contain a description in Cham, of the lands
granted to the temple.
TEXT.
TRANSLATION.
In the year of the Sakas denoted by ' pafica-dvi-kaya'
(825) the god called ^ankaresa was again established by him
in this world for his own glory.
1. Metre *JndravajrS\
2. Metro *Anustnbh'.
3. Metre *lndravajrS;.
Ill
King Sri Jayasimhavarman dedicated to &i Sankara
three conch-shells and one silver jug.
His younger sister Surendradevi, wife of the king $rl
Jaya (Simha) (vartnan), who is chaste, and whose sentiments
are quite pure, flourishes here below (?).1
No. 39.
Hoa-Que stelae Inscription of Bhadra-
/
varman III, dated 831 Saka.
The inscription was edited by M. Huber ( B. E. F., Vol.
XT, p. 285 ), Hoa-QuA is situated close to Tourane. The
inscription is engraved on the four faces of a stelae contain-
ing respectively 17, 19, 17 and 19 lines, besides the invoca-
tion at the beginning. The inscription on the first three
faces is written in Sanskrit verse with three prose texts.
That on the fourth face is written in Cham, but it contains
a short prose passage and a verse in Sanskrit. There are
altogether 27 Sanskrit verses. The metres used are: vv. 1,
17,°20, Sragdhara; vv. 2, 3, 9-12, 14, 18, 19, 21, 25-27,
Anustubh; vv. 4-7, 24, Vasaritatilaka ; v. 8. Sardulavikrldita ;
vv. 13, 15, Prthvl; vv. 16, 23, Aryji,; v. 22, Upajfiti.
The object of the inscription is to record the various
pious foundations made by three brothers, councillors of
king Bhadra varman, and sons of Sfirthavaha, brother of the
first queen of Indravarrnan II, in the years 820, 830 and 831
Saka. It further records a foundation by Jayendrapati in
the year 829. The first of these dates falls in the reign of
Jayasimha varman, and the three others in that of his suc-
cessor Bhadravarman.
1. What *Dai)Sy Gopurosvar1 moans it is difficult to under-
stand, ami it is theretore left untranslated.
II.
III.
IV*
VI I.
112
TEXT.
I.
m +4*4 d Ml ^Tl^ln ^(i RrT
^Tf f? f^TWn% T II
: I
V-
r: II
VI.
113
VIII. *
XIV.
XV. ^ — ^ ^ ^ —
"
rft T^T5^ ^c|^c|^r^ ^1 *T ^^441^^1* II
JTJT Tfr: ^cm TJ^T «II«^|H|| " II
IX. ffcT T^T ^3":
3^^^l<il'^U*ft ^H ^rj^H^TK^ II
X-
XL
XII.
XIII.
^ II
XVI. ^fV|riie|il«iMldS^^«|^e|aci|4-c|M*<^<l<l^ I
II
1. Read 61^t.
t>. Head * °^a-3l^?I '.
:{. Read 6 °^^ '.
114
XVII.
1.
2. Read
XVIII. w[(^
XIX.
XX.
$nr* ^si^l^fi^r^f^r ^Tojcra^r ^^r^
^R^^r^ft ^^T^Rjirftr ^r ^srrrR^r ^rnw we
4n i^^g^ *if;*i< ^ho^^lA-^^ I ^P?$i«hi ^T
XXI.
J II
XXII.
» II
XXIII. ^4 Mi ^^n^M'RTT «i ^«"^ 'i'Ti^^'^f ^T^M^H i ^4 »
XXIV.
11
XXV.
fJU^dJ^
XXVI. --- snprc
ri^^Hi: 5 ir^1
116
TRANSLATION.
(«•)•
Reverence to Siva !
Hail ! May the lingas ( of Siva ) — which assume various
forms, creating prosperity of the whole world ; whose glow-
ing splendour everyday dispels the darkness which is the fear
caused by vicious persons in the world ; which are worthy of
reverence and praise by the yogis ( ascetics ) who are distin-
guished by the merits of asceticism, renowned in olden times,
but not yet exhausted — be for the prosperity of the inhabi-
tants of the three worlds.
2. Whose primaeval linga, having no beginning, middle,
or end, and revered by all things movable and immovable,
was for the peace of all the worlds.
3. Whose liiicja, leading to the welfare of creatures.
and granting, without reason, salvation to the devotees, is
ever victorious.
4. Whose li.nya, — which has surpassed the earth and
has sky as its horizon ; which has got a shining orb surround-
ed by a large number of dependent spirits ( bhuta ) ; and
whose splendour, to which homage is paid by the Moon, the
Sun and the Planets, grants series of benefits to the world, _
may it protect this world !
5. Those who even once bow down to these lifts/as, re-
alise their desires.1 They are praised by a multitude of
special devotees, and even in heaven they are revered, like
gods, by the gods themselves.
6. The lower end of that victorious linga, on account of
its great depth below, could not be forcibly reached even by
1. The phrase ' ^q^§T*ig0 ' is unintelligible and evidently
requires emendation.
117
Hari, when he had assumed the form of a Boar ; for although
he was practised in excellent yoga, he had not the desired
boon from Siva.
7. The proud BrahmA, although shining in meditation
and heroism, could not, owing to ignorance, know the (upper)
end of the linga from above, because he had not the desired
boon from Siva.
8. Who addressed the following words to Visnu and
Brahma, when he came to know that their faces were pale
like frost-bitten lotuses on account of humiliation arising
from ignorance : " Ho Govinda and Brahma ! what else, even
BO little, can you do ? He who wants to know my bottom
and top can only do so by gladly making obeisance to me,
and in no other way.
9. Hearing whose august words, Visnu and Brahma
bowed down, with respect, to the excellent god.
10. They, with faces like lotuses awakened by the Sun,
said these words; "Thou great god of gods; please grant a
boon to us."
11. Who, thereupon, showed them his face, issued from
the middle part of the linga, and resplendent with three
eyes which were the fire, the Moon and the Sun.
12. By whose command, then, Brahrna and Hari were
united with him, Brahma standing on the right, and Hari on
the left.
13. He, the god MaheSvara, — the preceptor of gods
and demons, and dispeller of illusions spread afar ; whose
pair of lotus-feet is saluted here and there (i. e. everywhere);
who, though divested of duality, was made double by Gaurl;
who, nnconquered, was victorious over those who are the re-
fuge of £jood qualities; — remained fixed and immovable.
rift
14 May {Srl-K&ne&vara, seated with ease, protect ns,
who have salutation as the only treasure, from terror, by his
charm, in this land which has been enriched by our race.
o>).
15 city named Champa full of riches, wealth,
and enjoyments, protected by the commandments of the old
Bhrgu of great energy.
16. King Sri Bhadravarman, a spotless moon in the
sky which is the excellent family of Bhrgu, awakens the
lotus, which is the heart of men, by means of his excellent
rays ( splendour ).
17. He, the king of Champa, like the son of Paiidu,
shines by hifl splendour in the battlefield ; — which is grey with
the dust raised by the swift-moving sharp hoofs of horses
galloping high : whose surface has been dyed red with drops
of blood, like ASoka flowers, shed by means of various
weapons ; and in the four regions of which the sounds of
war-drums were drowned by the roars of gigantic beautiful
elephants.
18. By a strict course of justice the king established a
new era of righteousness (dharmapaddhatih). The bliss
engendered thereby made the king flourish.
19. The minister called Ajfia Mahasamanta, owner of
various riches, obtained wealth and riches by the favour of
his king.
20. The honour of putting a garland on his head, the
distinction of being marked by an excellent tilalca ( mark on
the forehead ), a complete ornament for the ears, best ear-ring,
a pair of robes, decoration by golden girdle string, ?in excellent
dagger with a golden sheath, a vessel and a ciranda1 white
1. Cira = Visnu and Anda=Siva. — Does CirSnda denote an
image of the two gods combined in ou« ?
119
as silver; an umbrella made of the feathers of a peacock and
a multitude of pitchers and vases, and a palanquin with
silver staff.
21. These, difficult to be attained by others in this
world, were granted him by the king on account of his
faithful performance of royal comntands.
He who having been seated next to the king in the
palanquin, made beautiful by the parasol of peacock- feathers
raised over it, and accompanied by soldiers and musical in-
struments, again gets down from it.
22. Having mounted an elephant, surrounded by in-
numerable forces both in front and rear, he shone in his
majesty, while his own splendour like, that of the Suti, was
screened by the umbrella of peacock-feathers raised over
him.
23. He had a brother, the minister called Ajiia
Narendra nrpavitra, who was versed in all sacrificial cere-
'monies, and in all treatises dealing with the Saiva religion.
24. His younger brother, whose intelligence was capa-
ble of penetrating into all the sastras, and who was renowned
in the world like Aiigirasa for his intelligence and fortune,
was called Ajfia Jayendrapati, a minister of good soul,
whose body was purified by holy virtues.
25. Who, by hard exertion, was able to understand
thoroughly the meaning of messages sent by kings from dif-
ferent countries, after looking over them only for an instant.
The pious works of Sri Jay asimha-varmadeva, viz. ( the
temples of) Sri JayaguheSvara and of Yisim at Visnupur.
The pious works of Sri Bhadravarmadeva viz. (the temples
of) 6rl PrakAfabhadresvara, Sri RudrakotlSvara, £rl Bhadra-
120
malayesvara, Sri BhadracampeSvara, Sri Bhadramandale-
£vara, Sri Dharmesvara, Sri Bhadrapuregvara :
In all these the minister Ajiia Jayendrapati composed
poetical inscriptions engraved on stones, and obtained by the
favour of the king various distinctions, such as the palan-
quin, parasol decorated with peacock feathers, golden sheath
of a sword, vases, pitchers, silver vessels, girdle, ear-rings,
Cirandat pair of robes etc.
(<').
His chaste younger sister, who had a
pious heart, and was always anxious to do good deeds, was
known as Ugradevl.
Her three brothers, being of one mind and with the
permission of their mother, have erected in the middle of
their native place, in the Saka year denoted by ' yayana-dvi-
manyala' (820), an image of Sri Maharudradeva, out of de-
votion to, and in imitation of the features of their father,
named Ajfia Sarthavaha, brother of the chief queen of king
Sri Inclravarman, the niece (?) of king Sri Rudravarman,
To the north of this they erected, in their native place,
in the 6aka year denoted by ' kha-vahni-tanu' (830), an
image of BhagavatI, out of devotion to and in imitation of
the features of their mother named Pu Pov ku Rudrapura,
who had issued from a family, pure iVom time im-
memorial, and who had herself established in the £aka year
denoted by ' Candra-Agni-tanu' — (831 ), the images of Devi,
Uane£a and Kurnfira
Again, to the south of this the minister named Ajiia
Jayendrapati has established in his native place the god
Sri MahaUvalingeSvara in the Saka year denoted by 'v
121
dvi-mangala' (829), for tha worship of &va and for the sake
of his own glory.
(d).
15th day of the bright fortnight of the fifth
month garden as far as the town as far as the
temple a religious foundation He who
would carry away the goods of the temple would go to hell.
He who would protect them would live in heaven as long as
he desire?.
The royal order must riot be transgressed. May this
pious work endure as long as the phase of the Moon and
the ra}^s of the Sun illumine the universe (lit. heaven and
earth).
(The seven concluding lines in Chain contain details
about arrangements of the temple ; they contain several un-
known words and have not been translated by the editor).
No. 40.
57 Lac-Thanh fragmentary stelae Inscription
X
of Bhadravarman HI, dated 832 Saka.
It is engraved on four faces of the great stelae at Lac-
Thanh in the district of Quang-Nam. It begins with an in-
vocation to Siva followed by the eulogy of king Bhadra-
varman. It is dated " Paksa-Pa6upati-nayana-maiigala-
Kamupagate-sakapati-samaye" i. e. 832 ( = 910A. D. ). It
concludes with imprecation and enumeration pf fi^kls.
B. E. F., Vol. XI, p. 285.
122
No. 41.
The Phu-Luong Stelae Inscription of
Rudravarman III, dated 83x Saka.
The inscription was edited by M. Huber ( B. E. F., Vol.
XI, p. 283) It is engraved on two faces of a stelae at Phu-
Luong in the district of Hue. Although very fragmentary,
it contains much that is of historical interest. The first face
conta 'is 18 lines, but the last 10 are nearly illegible. The
second face contains traces of 16 lines, the first five in Sans-
krit, and the rest in Cham; — the latter only containing the
desc. ntions of lands belonging to the temple. There are six
verses in the first face, the metre being v. 1, Upendravajra ;
v. 2, Vasantatilaka; vv. 3-4, Anustubh ; v. 5, Sardula-Vikrl-
dita ; v. 6, Indravajra.
The inscription records the foundation in 83x (unit
figure being lost, i. e. some time between 908 and 917 A. D. )
of a temple of Siva, called Dharmaliiigesvara, by one Pada-
raksa, an officer of king Bhadravarman. The king is appa-
rently Bhadravarman III.
TEXT.
(a).
T^m^: I)
II.
1, The line is grammatically defective.
2. The line is metrically defective. I
etc., which mends the line.
123
III. ?
3V.
TT^rferaf ^<i4-a(wfec%n^!f^r ^j^ II
V.
•**+m<4 ^Frar^q^n^Jrf f^^fTl Tii^ ( I
\ I.
LL. 9-11
it
H
TRANSLATION.
1. Victory to ( Mahmleva ), whose feet ure illumined
by the blazing rays of the crest-jewels of the king of gods,
whose eyes are ............ face of Uma like a lotus, and whoso
eyes are indifferent to all attachment.
1. Read fW« Ihe two Ws appear redundant.
2. Read S^. 3. Read
4. R«id ""ia^l0. 5. Probably
121
2. Who was struck with the arrow called Sanimohana1
by Cnpid, who had (a body), charming in the three worlds.
Although Cupid again became bodiless, still he was relieved
of the miseries of soul by even once getting hold of him
( Siva ).
3. He, the powerful god Srl-anrtbhadro^a, who bos-
tows happiness and prosperity on the world, brought about
the prosperity of the king.
4. He is to bo adored by the kings who are embraced
by the lotus-like hands of the goddess of sovereignty and
who are desirous of protecting their subjects, for the sake
of the prosperity of sovereignty in this world.
5. Hail to Champa, the crowning ornament of the land
of the rising Sun, and created by the rays issuing from the
pair of feet of that god ! By the glory of the king, like the
moon, which eternally decorated the beauty of the circle of
the earth, she has come to possess immense wealth and
prosperity and a noble dignity (in a way) that has won for
her the esteem of the people at large.
- G. King Bhadravarma, lord of the world, who is con-
stantly attended by like Indra, on account of for-
tune, fame, riches, power, strength, heroism, liberality, for
bearance, and attachment to religion and good qualities.
He is Yudhisthira, Yujutsu by (or with)
Duryodhana and others, the good servant who was called
Padarakea
rn
In the year of the saka king denoted by '• eyes of
Siva, Maiigala." ( 83x ) (astronomical details follow) Dharrna-
1. Lit. * Fascination — name of one of the five arrows of the
cupid.'
I2r>
lingesvara was established in this village oi Lingabhumi by
Padarak^a who had a great devotion for the king in his
heart.
No. 42.
Bang- An Stelae Inscription of
Bhadravarman (III).
The inscription was edited by M. Huber (B. E. F., Vol.
XI, p. 5 ). It was engraved on two faces of a stelae found
at Bang- An in the district of Quang-Xam. It contains 32
lines of writing. The language is Sanskrit. The inscription
contains 11 verses and fragments of verse and prose texts.
The metres used are : — vv. 1, 2, 5, 6, Indravajra; v. 3, Sftrdula-
vikrldita; vv. 4, 10, 11, Anustubh ; vv. 7, 8, Upajati ; v. 9,
Vasantatilaka.
The object of the inscription is to record the installation
of a linga by king Bhadravarman ( III ) ( ? ). It was dated,
but the symbols denoting unit and tenth figures are lost. The
hundredth figure is Marigala = 8.
TEXT.
I.
IT.
1. Read
III. «-s: f^r Sdiii^Rr rT^r1 <4\*«4\
m
V.
: fc* H
IV.
VII.
VIII.
: i
3 ............ ^u^^n4si'H^lwdl*^!<5 II
>*
IX. ^
I. Tlje Hne is grammatically defective.
"2. Read *l^l°.
127
X
sfft ...............
XL s
(5!n5rri:^)^^r?5^ rrr^ftgr mf^r^n
II
TRANSLATION.
Reverence to Siva.
Hail !
1. He, the divine (being), and of great power, seated
with ease upon a mass of ashes, shines very much, like the
Sun, aglow with rays, in a cloudless sky,
2. Seeing him shine with an unbroken splendour, like
a smokeless fire, nourished by clarified butter, Brahma, Indra,
Visnu and other gods are filled with astonishment.
3. With Indra in front, Brahma to the right, the Moon
and the Sun at the back, and the god Nfirayana to the left,
12S
he was sitting in the middle, glowing with splendid rays
•while those and other gods were bowing down before him
and prasiug him in his proper hymns which begin with
' Om ' and end with ' Svadhd-svdhd.'
4. Then rising from the heap of ashes, he, the very
pure, remained in the middle of the firmament, (shining)
with a splendour equal to that of millions of suns.
*. For the sake of consecration, and for virtue and
welfare, he gave everything, even the excellent ashes, the
remains of sacrffice, to Brahina, in the assembly of the gods.
0). Having transformed the ashes into the complete uni-
verse, he committed it to the care of Visim. Then he dis-
appeared and all the gods, commencing with Brahma, went
to their respective homes.
This god £rl Isanesvara, the preceptor of the world, who
possesses the characteristics of the absolute, and who is
worthy of worship and salutation by the kings, lives here
triumphantly together with his multitude of servants for the
sake of the prosperity of Champa. Sri Bhadravarman, the
moon in the heaven of the Bhrgu family
adorns hundreds (?) of towns The
multitude of royal ambassadors corning from different count-
ries the white fame of the king has .spread all over
the world praised by virtuous men may
he protect (?) the words and deeds of learned men !
He is ascetic removed his sins,
devoted of anuras and pisdchw, having control over his
passions respected by all these ashes
white as the foam of the waves of the ocean of milk and
bhining like kunda (flarer)1 and Moon of Pa^npati
1. The text has 43cunda ' =» probably a mistake for 'kuntla.'
129
whose feet are adorned It is my duty
to install the Parame^vara for the salvation of all
installed in the year of the 6aka king denoted by x x
mahgala (8xx) (astronomical details follow )
Exemption given to him by Sri Bhadravarman — It will
endure in the world as long as the Sun and the Moon.1
No. 43.
Nhan-Bieu Stelae Incription of Indra-
varman III, dated 833.
The inscription was edited by M. Huber ( B. E. F., Vol.
.XI, p. 299). Nhan-Bieu is in the district of Quang-Tri.
The inscription is engraved on the four faces of a stelae con-
taining respectively 13, 14, 11 and 12 lines in addition to the
invocation at the beginning. The inscription on the first
three faces is written in Sanskrit, and the rest in Cham.
There are altogether 21 verses in the Sanskrit portion with
a number of small prose passages. The metres used are : vv.
1, 15, 20, Upajati; vv. 2, 9, 12, Sardulavikrlclita ; v. 3, Sikha-
rim; vv. 4, G, Giti ; v. 5, Upaglti ; vv. 7, 8, 11, 19, Anustubh;
v. 13, Indravajra; vv. 14, 17, AryS ; v. 16, Prthvl; vv. 18, 21,'
Vamsasatha ; v. 10, Sragdhara.
The inscription records that a dignitary of Champa
named Po klun Piiih Rajadvara and his eldest son Sukrti Po
klun Dharmapfttha, consecrated in the year 830 ( = 908 A. D. )
a temple of Siva called Devalingesvara, and in the year 833
( = 911 A. D. ) a Buddhist monastery of AvalokiteSvara.
in honour of their grandmother, the princess Lyau Vrddha-
kula, who was also the grandmother of Tribhuvanadevi ( cf.
1. In this fragmentary portion only important p»ssages have
boon translated and many isolated words and phrases have been
left out.
MO
No. 44) queen of Jaya Simhavarman I. The father, Raja-
dvara boasted of having served under four kings of Champa
viz., Jaya Siuihavarman, his son king Jaya Saktivarman,
king Bhadravarman (III) and his son Indravarman III.
He got the titles of Povkluii SudaiKhivasa and Akfilfulhipati.
TEXT.
i
II.
ill.
"
IV.
V . *i ^5
: f^l id i| r4 ^^I
VII. *
rT: II
131
VIII.
IX.
X.
XJ.
XII.
1. Read V'T.
132
XIII. ^Fr
II
XIV-
XV. --
,' \
: ^ro: II
rv V
XVI.
XVII.
PH >n «i n n*
XVll I.
XIX.
II
XX. fT?n srrargrfacr
fa >^ !J ^ ^r sjr^ fasKiiJiir f%f^fri%r g ^IM^I^I u
XXI.
TRANSLATION.
(«>)•
Rtn't'sroiKte to Six :i.
Hail !
I. Whom all the threw vvcjrds, 7>Vm, fiht'.va*, an<l »sfv?a
(praised), praise, and will praise.. ....... salutation to Him \
A^ain :
II. There was the illustrious kin*^ famous in this world
as Sri Jayasimha Varman, who was equal in prowess to
ViKnu, who protected, without fear, the kingdom of Champa,
which was in the fulness of its power, and resembled
Laksml without (the proverbial) inconstancy; and who
always gave various riches to his subjects to the fulfilment
of their utmost desires.
TTI. In the house of that king, the chaste and incom-
parable Tribhuvana MahadevI was the chief among all the
queens. She was the foremost among all (the queens) and
virtuous, and shone with her children1 in her husband's house
almost like Sri.
1. llubvr translates ** bereft of husband."
134
IV. She was the grand-daughter of Lyari VrddhakuJa,
who was born in a pure family, and illumined both the
families (i. e., family of her father and husband) as the full
moon illumines the sky.
Again :
V. Of the eldest son of Lyan Vrddhakula Narendradhi-
pati1 who was devoted to the lotus-feet of the king, who was
a good person and whose character was agreeable.2
VI. He ( Narendradhipati ) had an excellent daughter
who had purified her own family by her character. This
daughter had a son who was skilful and devoted in the ser-
vice of the king and whose prudence was well-known.
VII. He was intelligent, prudent, religious and politic;
out of great devotion for the king he was very obedient to
his commands.
VIII. He was a favourite captain of the king Sri Jaya-
simhavarman and had riches equal to his desires. He was
named Pov Kluii Pilih Rajadvarah.
At the command of the king he went to the capital of
Yavadvipa on a diplomatic mission, and obtained credit by
the success of his undertaking.3
From that time he obtained wealth and riches.
1. This may be the proper name or an epithet i. e. king of
men.
2. Huber translates '* who was the best product of nature."
4 Prakrteh ' seems to be redundant.
3. Huber translates ' Siddhayafrrilm SamSsramat ' as 'acquired
the science of magic. ; This seems to be farfetched. Huber reads
'nuta' in the first line of the verse which seems to be a mistake
for Mllta'. * Nuta ' means 'praiseworthy' — so it also leads nearly
to the same conclusion.
135
IX. Then, in the prosperous kingdom, — filled every-
where with riches of all kinds, — of the illustrious king &ri
Jaya Siihhavarman, who protected the world with his stern
commands.
He (Po Klufi Pilih Rajadvarab ) continued to occupy a
high position.
Again :
X. Fortunate king Sri Bhadravarman .................. his
enemies hearing of him become afflicted with fear and the
hairs of their bodies stand on end.
Tinder this reign lift obtained the title of Pov Klufi
Sudanda(v;\)sa.
XT. Again, at the commands of the kins; he went to
?7> * C»
Yavadvlpa a second time and was successful in his under-
taking.
He obtained from king Sri Bhadravarman the fields in
the villages of Sudan and Kumuvel.
Again :
XIT ............. the son of king Bhadravarman. ............
whcAe fame and sovereignty had spread in all directions by
hard- won victories.1 ...............
XIIT. Delighted kings heard with pleasure of king-
emperor Sri Indravarma, whose mighty fame had spread to
other countries, and constantly praised him.
XIV. During his rule he ( Pilih Rajadvftrah) had ob-
tained the title of Aka'*adhipati as a reward for the zeal with
which he served the king.
1. Tho passage is very obscure and 1 cannot offer any com-
plete translation.
130
XV. Devoting himself exclusively to the study of poli-
tics he was enabled to advise the king as to what was good
and what was bad.
His eldest son (or brother?) called SukrtI Pov Kluii
Dharmapfttba was a favourite of king Indravarman.
XVI. (Eulogy of Dharmapatha.
mutilated ).
Who spoke thus to his eldest son (brother ?).
XVII. I have obtained the fields of Kurnuvel by the
favour of the king. The village of Cikir is the place of
residence both of mine as well as of my mother. It is there-
fore necessary to establish god ; for:
XVIII. This wealth, although very great, is unsub-
stantial; although accumulated with care it is liable to be
destroyed in a moment. It is most useless in this world.
Thus has the wealth beeu described by the great sage in all
scriptures.
XIX. Having thought thus, lie, the intelligent man
and desirous of fame, resolved to install gods in the two
places.
Then he, with his heart bent down uuder the burden of
many excellent meritorious works, together with his eldest
son (Brother ?) installed a DevalingeSvara, for the sake of
glory, in the year of Saka king denoted by * timbara'daluina-
mawjala (830) (astronomical details).
Then, in the Saka year 833, he established, together
with his eldest son (brother ?) a monastery tailed Sri
Vrddhalokesvara in the village of Cikir.
137
XX. As both the movable and immovable things in the
world become fixed by the support of the mountains, so this
region would find a stable support in the two sanctuaries
of Siva and Avalokitesvara.
(d).
The Cham portion enumerates the lands granted to the
temple of Devalingesvara.
No. 44.
Ha-Trung Stelae Inscription of
Indravarrnan III, dated 838.
The inscription was edited by M. Huber ( B. E. F., Vol.
XI, p. 298). It was engraved on the four faces of a stelae
found at H&-Trung in the district of Quang-Tri. There
were altogether 57 lines of writing in Sanskrit, arid 71 lines
in Cham. Only the last five lines of the Sanskrit portion
can be read. It records the erection of a temple of Siva,
called Indrakc1uto>vara, by TriblmvanadevI, in the year 838
( = 916 A. D. ) during the reign of ludravarman, son of
Bhadravarman. The Cham portion describes the lands
which belonged " to the temple of Sii Indrakantesvara in
the town of Navap."
TEXT.
I.
II.
ill. nr sref?: ( ft )*
Hlmi^jm^ ^Vt-^f^ir ^r^ ^ftf ^^^JH" II
IV. ^fff^g^sqrr: «Fr:
: n
] as
TRANSLATION.
In the year of the ?aka king denoted by " Icaya-agni-
mahgala" (838), (astronomical details) .................. during
the reign of the illustrious king Indravarman, the chaste
(Tribhuvanadevi) installed the image of IndrakauteSa out
of devotion.
The holy shrine and the image of god Sri Indrakfmte^a
'/vill be for ever to the great glory of Sri Tribhuvanadovl.
No. 45.
Po-iNagar Stelae Inscription of Indra-
varman HI, dated 840 5aka.
For localities, publications etc. cf. No. 22. The reading
was corrected by M. Huber ( B. E. R, Vol. XI, p. 208). Ifc
contains 4 verses in 13 lines, the metre being: vv. 1-2,
Anustubh, v. 3, Upajati, and v. 4, Vasantatilakft.
T EXT.
I.
II.
III.
IV.
139
TRANSLATION. .
I. The king Sri Bhadravarma, who is the giver of
riches to the world, enjoys all the lands up to the ocean (lit.
which have got as its dress the water of the ocean).
II. His son, king Sri Indravarman, skilful in protecting
Champa, was like full moon in the sky.
III. He who (skilfully played in the) good waves
which weie the six systems of Philosophy beginning with
Mlmamsa and those of Jinendra ( i. <?. Buddha ), and in the
mass of water which was (Paiiini's) Grammar with Kasika,
who was a fish (in the water) which was the Akhyana and
the Uttarakalpa of the Saivas; because among the learned,
he was the mo^t skilful in all these subjects.
IV. In the year of the Sakas denoted by ' vyoma-
anthurdsi-tc.nK,' (840), on Sunday, the eleventh day of the
dark fortnight of the month of Suci ( Jyaibtha or Asaclha),
he has installed this golden image of the goddess BhagavatI
in order to ixain fame in the whole world.
No. 46.
Lai-trung Stelae Inscription of
Indravarman III (or Jaya-Indravarman I ?)
dated 843 (?).
The inscription was edited by M. Huber ( B. E. F., Vol.
XI, p. 15). It was engraved on two faces of a stelae found
at Lai-Trung in the district of Hue. The whole of the first
face and about 8 lines of the second face are in Sanskrit and
the rest is in Cham. The Sanskrit portion contains 5 verses
and 1 prose past-age. The metres used are: vv. 1, 3, 5,
{SardiiUivikrldita ; v. 4, Snigdharii ; v. 2, Indravajra.
140
The inscription refers to king £ri Jaya Indravarman
and records the erection of a temple of &va by one Danay
Pinaii, a noble of Champa. It is dated as follows:
" Niy Sakarajakala vuh yap trill catvara-asta." M. Huber
and M. Finot take it to mean 840, taking 'trih' as a Cham
word.
But 'trih' should, in my opinion, be taken as Sanskrit
'trih ' = 3. Tor, in the first place, the word ' yap = counting'
immediately precedes it; and secondly, the date would other-
wise be merely 84, as there is no justification for taking
'catvara' as equivalent to 40.
TEXT.
I ^fif
III.
IV.
1. Road
2. Metrically defective. Wo espoct
141
V. *TT 4(1411
r VM«HW<I<^ CT l^T ft ^1^1 <WKHI: II
TRANSLATION.
Hail ! Reverence to Siva ! Let there be success 1
I. The god who penetrates everywhere ; who is the best
in the three worlds; who possesses a great glory; who is wor-
shipped with devotion purified by yoga, in the caverns of
Himalaya, by all gods, the Asuras (demons), the celestial
nymphs, and the most powerful Siddhas and Rishis ; and
who destroys the sins; gaves strength and power to the men
who are devoted to him.
II. By the pollens of the pair of lotus-feet of Sri
Isanadeva Hara, the prosperity of the city of Champa in-
creased with abundance of wealth, beauty and enjoyment.
III. May the king Sri Jaya Indravarman, — who pro-
cures good fortune to the virtuous, who is served by his
entire army as the moon is served by the stars, who protects
1. Read Oef'l°- 2. Read
142
the entire world by his brilliant strength, who is the source
of all meritorious works, and who delights the mind of the
people by his beauty, — protect his subjects in that city by
liis strength.
IV. He had a minister who was very skilful in all
the qualities of I£a (Siva or of a master); who was de-
sirous of being the receptacle of infinite religious merit ; who
had caused pleasure in the hearts of 'i/iunis ( hermits) by the
successful performance of a number of meritorious works ;
whose soul was without stain ; who was tranquil as the full
moon; who ( •/.. c. whose name) was sung by the virtuous;
who had acquired fame, knowledge of scriptures and riches;
who was verse:! in the sacred scriptures, and who (i. c.
whose praise) was sung in ail the regions by the assembly
of men, learned in scriptures, and skilful in (composing)
hymns of praise.
V. Po yah pov ku Da- nay Piufiri, a dignitary, versed
in the knowledge of Saiva rites, and performing yoya,
dhylna, and samad-hi for gaining the heaven of Siva for the
sake of his own salvation, thinking that this body is as
impermanent as the foam floating on waters, made this great
meritorious work for emancipating himself and his parents
from this ocean of existence.
If the riches of Sri Amarendrapure'vara Wr., fluids,
oxen, male and female slaves, buffaloes, rice, both husk eel
and unhusked, clothes, silver, gold, bell-metal, iron, copper
etc., are forcibly carried away by wicked men, out of greed
or sheer wickedness, then they would fall into the deep
abyss of hell, made horrible by the burning flames, together
with their paternal and maternal relations. But those
virtuous persons, who desiring religious merit, maintain and
Jo not carry away ( those goods ), would secure the enjoy-
ment of heaven for ever.
May the black dog, the white clog, the red dog and the
dog of motley colour haunt the mother of him who incurs
this curse.
Written in the year 843 of the sakas.
No 47.
Po-Nagar Stelae Inscription of Jay a
/
Indravarman I dated 887 5aka.
(For localities, publications etc ct No. 22). It contains
two Anustubh verses in 7 lines. It records that in 887 £aka
( = 9G5 A. D. ) king Sri Jaya Indravarman installed a stone
image of BhagavatI to replace the golden one installed by
king Sri Indravarman ( cf. No. 45), as the latter was carried
away by the Cambodgiaus. This shows that between 918
and 965 A. D., the dates of Nos. 45 and 47, Champa was con-
quered by a king of Cambodge. This inference agrees well
with the Baksei Cankran and Prasat Bat Chum inscriptions
of Rnjendravarman II ( 944-968 A. D. ) according to which
this Cambodgian king conquered the kingdom of Champa.
TEXT.
1
•
IT. ^Ti si <i v
<rniFTn;|T?T w
144
TRANSLATION.
Again,
I. The golden image which was formerly installed by
(tb- king), of a majesty difficult to attain, the Kambuj.is,
dominated by cupidity and other vices, had carried aw<iy
and died.
II. In the year of the ^aka king denoted by ' adri-
asta-anga* (887) Sri- Jaya-Indravarman again installed the
stone image of the goddess, in Kauthfira, for the sake of
glory.
No. 48.
Po-Nagar Temple Inscription.
Illegible. Doubtfully attributed to Jaya ludra-
varman I.
J. A. 1888 (I) pp. 78-79, No 403;
J. A. IcSfU J) pp. 27-28.
No. 49.
Po«Nagar Temple Inscription.
The reading is very doubtful.
It probably contains an invocation to the god of Yftpu-
Nagara. The name of the king may be doubtfully restored
as Sri-Jaya-Indravarman.
Corpus, No. XXVII, p. 2GO.
No. 50.
Po=Nagar Image Inscription.
This Cham inscription is engraved on a email image
of a goddess, placed close to the large statue of Bhagavatl.
145
It refers to king SrI-Jaya-Indravarman, god £iva and god-
dess Bhumlsvari.
J. A. 1888 (I) p. 79, No. 400;
J. A. 1891 (I) p. 28.
No. 51.
Myson Stone Inscription of Harivarman I
dated 913 Saka.
This short Cham inscription of 4 lines is engraved on a
block of sandstone lying in the vestibule of a temple in the
western group. It records the re-installation of the god Sri
Jaya-Ifana-Bhadresvara in the year 913 ( = 991 A. D.) during
the reign of king Vijaya-SrI Harivarmadeva.
B. E. F. Vol. IV (pp. 113, 117, 933)
B. E. F. Vol. XV, No. 2, p. 49.
No. 52.
Po Klauri Qarai rock inscription of
Paramesvaravarman I,
Dated 972 S.
The inscription was edited by Finot ( B. E. F., Vol. IX,
p. 208) (cf. also B. E. F., Vol. XV, No. 2, pp. 39 ff. ) (For
localities cf No. 53). It contains 9 lines of writing, of
which about 5J lines are in Sanskrit and the rest in Cham.
The Sanskrit portion is written entirely in verse, and con-
tains 4 stanzas, the metre being, vv. 1, 4, Auustubh ; v. 2,
Puspitagrft, and v. 3, £ardulavikrldita.
The inscription relates how king Sri Paramegvaravarma-
deva suppressed the rebellion at Pan^uranga, and records
the erection of a Linga in 972 s*aka ( = 1050 A. D. ) by £ri
Devaraja general ( Mahasenapati ) and nephew of the king.
146
TEXT.
sfr ^TTsfte^n ^rc^rt «j<u*Mfa^ n
(b).
TRANSLATION.
r«;.
Hail '
1. The Ksatriya Devaraja, a connoisseur of merits,
installed a Linga in the !§aka year denoted by ' pakRa-adri-
nava ' ( 972 ).
2. Victory unto the protector of Champa, who has
vanquished the crowds of his enemies in battle; who is
comparable to the son of Indra for the prowess of his un-
conquered arme: whose great glory has penetrated into the
kingdom of Kambu (Cambodge), and who has protected the
ten regions from fear.
147
(b).
Hail !
Devaraja was the son of the younger sister of the great
(king) Sri Paramesvara. He was victorious, liberal, endow-
ed with virtue and talent, beautiful, wealthy and great; his
glory, like pure moonlight, constantly illumined all the
regions, and he always shone wonderfully as a mighty hero
both in fight as well as in charity.
In the year of the Sakas denoted by ' kuca-saila-yuha .'
(972) a small but solid stone liriga was installed by him for
the sake of glory.
In the Saka year 972 the pulyan Sri Devaraja Maha-
senapati, nephew of the king Sri Paramesvara varmadeva,
came to take this town of Pandurauga on behalf of (?) king
Sri Paramesvara varmadeva. He had stones placed in various
fortified enclosures, one by each man. And according to the
number of soldiers he had them collected (?)
For this reason all were for ever tatt ached to Sri
Paramesvara varmadeva. Then the men made a Siva-Liriga
out of these stones and installed it for the sake of military
glory in this world for their soul in the
other world.
No. 53.
Po Klauri Qarai rock inscription of
Paramesvaravarman I,
dated 972 S.
The inscription was discovered in 1901 by M. Parmentier
and edited by M. Finot ( B. E. F., Vol. Ill, p. 634 (No. VI)
and pp. 643 flf.). Po Klaun Garai is the name of one of the most
beautiful ancient temples in the plain of Phanrang. The
14$
inscription is engraved on the three faces of a triangular
pyramidal rock in front of this temple. The three faces
have respectively five, seven and six lines of writing. The
first four lines and a part of the fifth are written in Sanskrit,
and the rest in Cham. The Sanskrit portion begins with
' Svasti' and contains two verses.
The inscription refers to the king of Champa Parame-
Svaravarrnan Dharmaraja, whose fame MS a conqueror spread
to Kambudesa (Carnbodge), and records the installation of
a Sivalinga by his Yuvaraja (heir-apparent) and commander-
in-chief in 972 Saka. (cf. B. E. F., Vol. XV, No. 2, p. 39).
Then follows the Cham text giving the detailed account
of a revolt of the people of Phanrang against the king, and
its suppression by the Yuvaraja. After suppressing the re-
volt the yuvaraja installed the Sivalinga and a column of
victory.
TEXT.
I
2ft <£ei<j3ii ^<WMlU4J<fdnSM<l I
II
TRANSLATION.
Hail !
The yuvaraja (byname?), the commander of army,
installed this linga in the world for eternal glory, in the
year of the £aka king denoted by ' Karjina-culri-ntmd'
(f>72).
149
The protector of the kingdom of Champa— who charms
the hearts of all people, whose great glory in battle has
penetrated into the Kambu country (Cambodge), and who
is even now praised by excellent men for his merit accruing
from liberality ; — constantly flourishes in this world.
Now the citizens of Panr£n,-wicked, vicious and stupid, -
were always in revolt against all the sovereigns who reigned
in the kingdom of Champa. Thus during the rule of Para-
meovaravarmadeva Dharmaraja, the rebels proclaimed a
native of the city as their king. As the king Parame^vara-
varman was active and had numerous subjects, he sent
troops in various batches and ordered his nephew the yuva-
raja Mahftsenftpati to proceed with all his generals and
conquer the city. All the troops of Panran came to fight.
He pursued and crushed them all and they took shelter in
mountains and caverns. But the yuvaraja who had a
powerful army ordered his troops to pursue them in all
directions. And these troops got hold of all the people of
Panrftri with oxen, buffaloes, slaves and elephants, on behalf
of king Parame^varavarmadeva Dharmaraja. He
the half of the people he ordered them to dwell
there in order to re-establish the city. The other half he
gave to temples, monasteries, religious buildings, tinlas, and
hermitages for the sake of his own merit. Then the yuvaraja
asked stones of the various troops and erected this linga. He
also raised a column of victory. And on account of his
piety to Siva, when the people of this country saw the
beauty and the marks of this linga they
resolved to give up their revolts against the king oi Champa
who was always victorious.
150
No. 54.
Po Klaun Qarai rock inscription of
Jaya Paramesvaravarman lf
dated 972 Saka.
The inscription was edited by M. Finot ( B. E. F., Vol
IX, p. 205). (For localities cf. No. 53). The inscription is
engraved on two faces of the rock containing respectively
seven and five lines. The first three lines contain a Sanskrit
verse (metre — sardula vikridita) and the rest is in Cham.
The inscription records that the king Sri Paramesvara-
varmadeva subdued rebellion in Panel uranga and erected a
column of victory in 972 (-1050 A. D.).
TEXT.
I
TRANSLATION.
(<*>)•
Hail !
The illustrious king Sri Pararne-vara, the unique re-
ceptacle of various arts, possessing spiritual illumination,
eminent in strength, valour and glory ; successful as a uni-
versal ruler, having in the £aka year denoted by * hasta-
adri-randhra' (972), defeated the vicious people of Pandu-
ranga, deposited here a collection of stones, corresponding to
the number of soldiers.1
1. ' Sona-Sarukhya-Krtau ' is an obscure expression but the
sense is clear from the Cham portion translated belovr.
151
The people of Pauduranga were always stupid, of mis-
chievous spirit, and evil-doers. For instance on several
occasions they revolted against different kings of Champa
down to the time of His Majesty Sri Paramesvaravarmadeva
who gave all the Barons of the country to the god Para-
me^vara (probably the country of Panduraiiga had been
placed under the suzerainty of a great monastery protected
by the king). Nevertheless the people of Panduraiiga were
guilty of culpable acts. They set up different individuals
one after another and proclaimed them kings of the country.
Then His Majesty Sri Paramesvaravarmadeva led troops for
the conquest of the country and pursued and captured the
people of Panduraiiga who took shelter in the caves, forests,
summits of mountains, and the border of forests
(I*
And the army captured them in the caves, in the narrow
mountain passages and in the ravines— so that not one of
them could escape. la the saka year 972, on the 8th day of
the bright fortnight of the 4th month, on Thursday, he made
each person lay down a stone in various places, and by
giving them to the army, he had a column of victory erected
in this very place as a token of authority of His Majesty Sri
Paramesvaravarmadeva. And when this column of victory
was completed, the people of Panduraiiga, who had revolted,
became, for ever, perfectly virtuous and loyal towards the
king of Champa.
No. 55.
Po-Nagar Temple Inscription of Jaya
Paramesvaravarman I,
dated 972 Saka.
The inscription was edited by M. Bergaigne (Corpus No.
XXIX, p. 270), The inscription is engraved on the right
152
door-pillar of the temple of Po-Nagar to the left. It contains
thirteen lines of writing. The language is Sanskrit. There
are three verses at the beginning followed by a prose text
(metre being v. 1, Sragdhara; v. 2, ^ardulavikrlclita ; v. 3,
Anustubh).
The inscription records the donations of king £rl Para-
meSvara to the ' divinity of Yapu-Nagara' i.e., an image
representing Siva and his spouse Gaurl united in a single
body. It is dated in 972 saka ( = 1050 A. D. ).
TEXT,
*hw
* \\
in.
TRANSLATION.
I. " Thou art, O my goddess, the lord of what was and
what was not ; thou art, in real nature, the cause of the
origin, continuity and development of this world ; thou hast
153
in thy nature both positive and negative aspects; thou art
in thy very essence at one with whatever is in the world of
God during its creation as well as in its dissolution ; thou art
the primordial energy of the existent and the non-existent ;
thou hast as body, half of that which has moon as its diadem
( i. e. Mahadeva ) ; thou art of beautiful appearance and form
part of the body of the lord of embodied beings. May we
triumph by our own success." — so saying the two (?) (donor
and his wife) bow down.
II. He, whose intelligence is matured by the discrimi-
nation between what is real and substantial and what is
not ; who is worthy of regard ; who is pleasing to the hearts
of others ; who loves those who are timid as to what is vice
and what is not ; who does good to others ; who has acquisi-
tion of glory as the only object of his energy ; who makes
the law prevail in the world by means of many, inherently
excellent, good qualities which have their origin in his own
nature, in order to protect good persons, both born and
unborn, in the Kali age when there is going on a struggle
between the pious and the vicious.1
III. He, King Sri Paramesvara, shining in his pros-
perity, has placed in her sanctury a vase inlaid with gold in
the Saka year denoted by ' vela-adri-nava' (972).
And he has given to that goddess for her worship: an
excellent diadem, a variegated waist-band, a silver vase, an
umbrella decorated with peacock feathers, a vast silver
canopy, together with golden vases viz. excellent pitchers,
and four small and big vases.
1. The text has 'lokaloki°' but the 'i'kara is unintelligible.
154
No. 56.
Lai-Cham Inscription of Jaya Paramesvara-
varman I, dated 977 Saka.
The inscription is engraved on a granite block in front
of a cave, south of the village of Lai-Cham in the province
of Khan-Hoa. It contains 2 lines of writing in Cham and
records that in 977 £aka ( = 1055 A. D.) during the reign of
king £rl Parame^varavarmadeva, the cave was restored.
B. E. F., Vol. XV, No. 2, p. 42.
No. 57.
Phu-Qui Temple Inscription of Jaya
Paramesvaravarman If
dated 977 Saka.
The inscription was edited by G. Coedes (B. E. F., Vol.
XII, No. 8, p. 16) (cf. also B. E. F., Vol. XV, No. 2, pp. 41
ff. ). Phu-Qui is in Phanrang. The inscription contains
4 lines in Cham and is dated in the year 977 in the reign of
king Sri ParameSvaravarmadeva.
TRANSLATION.
In the Saka year 977, His Majesty £ri ParameSvara-
varmadeva Isvaramurti, of the lineage of Uroja and king of
kings ( rajacakravartl ) in the country of Champa, erected
this Vihara Rajakula. He decorated the house and
gave to it men, oxen, buffaloes, grains as well as all the
vessels necessary for the worship of the gods. (These gifts
are made) in perpetuity.
155
No. 58.
Po-Nagar Temple Inscription of Jaya
Paramesvaravarman I.
It records the gift of king Sri Jaya ParameSvara-
varmadeva ( I ) to the goddess whose image was re-installed
by him. The gift consisted of lands and 55 slaves of
all nationalities such as the Cham, Khmer, Chinese and
Siamese.
J. A. 1891 (I), p. 29.
No. 59.
Myson Pillar Inscription dated 978 Saka.
The inscription was edited by M. Finot (B. E. F., Vol.
IV, p. 943, No. XV ). It is engraved on the two faces of a
pillar each containing 22 lines of writing. The language ia
Cham. The inscription records the donations of the Yuvaraja
Mahasenapati to the temple of £rlsanabhadre3vara in the
year 978 ( = 1056 A. D.).
TRANSLATION.
(a).
A number of temples; after which they
were as beautiful as before. The Khmers, who were con-
quered by tha Yuvaraja Mahasenapati when he took the
town of Sambhupura, and whose sanctuaries were all des-
troyed by him, were given by him to the various temples of
Sri£anabhadre£vara. He made gifts to the temples, monas-
teries, solas (houses of charity) and to all the temples viz*,
temple of Srlsanabhadregvara (and others ).
Being lakalpa(?)he celebrated the installation
of Liiigas. All the kings who have reigned in the kingdom,
156
of Champa came here. The kings knew that gifts made to
these gods are a mode of purification and that the gods to
whom these gifts are made, being present in their symbols
( cihna ), know the kings of Champa, who have
installed these lingas in these temples. Being Senapati
(general) he installed these lingas. As the
Yuvaraja Mahasenapati, who lAkalpa (?) was
firmly devoted to Dharma and Siva, he installed these lingas
at the same time as the kings who reigned in the kingdom
of Champa had (formerly ?) installed them. The Yuvaraja
embellished and enriched SrISanabhadresvara ; he increased
the riches and the lands of the god; he acted with energy
and resolution ; the thought of the god l£varadevat&, other-
wise known as Yoglsvara, was always present in his mind.
By the force of effort and concentration of mind, he at last
saw Isvaradevata by a mental perception which went as far
as ^risanabhadresvara. Then, without much effort on his
part, Isvaradevatft became entirely visible (pratyaksa) to
him. Then, as he was a man of the world, devoted to Srl-
sanabhadresvara knowing that the man enjoys
prosperity in this world and in the other.
(b).
After that the Yuvaraja performed all kinds of good
works and charitable acts. Then, knowing that the body
and its pleasures are vain and transient, that it perishes and
disappears, and that Srlsanabhadresvara is the supreme god
in this world, the Yuvaraja erected this statue at the limit
of the possessions (?) of Sri^ftnabhadreSvara. Now in the
Saka year 978 the Yuvaraja Mahasenapati had erected this
image of Liriga and had given it the name of yu
rilirigeSvara, For the pious devotion towards the god Siva
and rendering prosperous the god !§rl£ftnabhadre6vara ac-
cording to the vow of Yuvaraja Mahusenftpati
157
And the Yuvaraja Mah&senapati has given a diadem, a
vessel, a white umbrella, ornaments, a bracelet inlaid with
precious stones, Brahmanical sacred thread, according to tha
needs of the god, and in pursuance of the order
the men of the temple dancers, musicians,
assistants, and all god Srl^ftnabhadresvara,
and all with the holy image of Liriga
and he has given the domain of Svon Tralaun to different
temples, again repairing the lands of Svon
Tralaun he has established
various kinds of trees and
god Srisanabhadresvara as far as Sinhapura, and he has
the god Srlsanabhadres vara
who lives
No. 60.
Po-Nagar Temple Inscription of Rudra-
/
varman III, dated 972 Saka.
The inscription was edited by M. Bergaigne (Corpus
No. XXX, p. 275 ).
**
The inscription is engraved on the left door-pillar of
the temple of Po-Nagar to the left.
It contains 12 lines of writing in Sanskrit. It has two
verses at the beginning, followed by a prose text (metre
being v. 1, Sragdhara, v. 2, Sardulavikrldita).
The inscription records the donations of king Rudra-
varman who was born in the family of ParameSvara and
the younger brother of Sri Bhadravarma. It is dated in the
year 986.
TEXT.
I
I-
* II
II. ^q
i*n^«
TRANSLATION.
1. For *the real prosperity of beings in this world,
the splendour of the kings shines differently in diffe-
rent countries according as their qualities are inferior,
average or superior. Thus Rudravarman alone is fit to bo
regarded as the Sun by means of his great splendour, while
the other kings bhine as the stars, the moon, the fire
and the jewels.
1. Road ' *H '.
2. Read '
159
2. The king Rudravarman, belonging to the noble and
powerful family of £ri Parame^vara, and younger brother
of Sri Bhadravarman, gave, out of devotion, in the year de-
noted by 'rasa-asta-vivara' (986) a vessel in three pieces
(?), silver coins and three silver vessels, all painted (?) in
the interior and alike massive and solid.
Measured by weight, seven panas of gold, 23 kattikas
and 2 panas of silver. Again, he has given for the enjoy-
ment of the god, a golden vase of betel of the shape of the
constellation * PurvvasadhA', weighing 5 kattikas and 8
panas; a golden vase for burning incense weighing 1 kattikft
and 2 panas; a silver vessel of Cambodge, weighing 5
kattikas and 10 panas; and a golden umbrella, weighing 7
panas. His pedestal1 was paved with stones, and a gateway
was carefully made with stones.
No. 61.
Myson Pillar Inscription of Harivarman II.
The inscription was edited by M. Finot ( B. E. F., Vol.
IV, p. 941, No. XIV). It is engraved on two faces of a
pillar and contains 41 lines of writing. The language is
Cham. It records the donations of king Harivarman and
his younger brother Yuvaraja Mahasenapati to the temple of
SrisftnabhadreSvara.
TRANSLATION.
(a-b).
The enemy had entered into the kingdom of Champft
and installed themselves as masters; having taken possession
of all the royal property and the wealth of the gods; having
pillaged the temples, the monasteries, the solas, cells, her-
1. The qualities phrase 'sthana-vigama' is not quite clear.
160
mitages, villages and various edifices together with the
horses, elephants, padutis (infantry ?), oxen, buffaloes, and
the crops ; having ravaged everything in the provinces of the
kingdom of Champa; having plundered the temple of Srl-
sanabhadresvara and all that the kings of past times had
granted as endowments to Srl^anabhadresvara ; having taken
all the riches of the god and carried away the men belonging
to the temple, the dancers, musicians servants,
together with the various properties of Sri^anabhadresvara ;
the temple remained empty and devoid of worship as the
Then His Majesty Vijaya Sri Harivarmadeva,
yah Devatamurti ascended the throne. He completely
defeated the enemies, proceeded to the Nagara Champa, and
restored the temple of Srl^anabhadre^vara. He made
and three grand festivals Sri Harivarmadeva
the god 8rl£anabhadre£vara according to the rules of the
Maharsis of old. He again gave eight &°M
and silver ornaments and four different classes of royal
insignia to Srlsanabhadresvara. And he re-established
with all the crops destroyed The kingdom of
Champa became prosperous as of old. Then Harivarman
celebrated his coronation His Majesty the king
Utkrstaraja. After this Harivarman enjoyed a complete
happiness and tasted royal felicities.
Now the pu lyari Sri Yuvaraja Mahasenapati, brother of
Harivarman, skilful, endowed with talents, and possessing vari-
ous qualifications, the commander-in-chief, watching both the
friends and enemies of king Harivarrnan, noticed that the
temple of the great god Srlsanabhadresvara was devastated.
He restored it together with all the other temples with
which kings of old endowed tho god Srl^anabhadre:.vara,
who rules over every tiling (?). He re-orected the temples,
the chapels, tho gateways and the different edifices in the
161
domain of SrlsftnabhadresSvara and made them perfectly
beautiful. He re-erected the temples in the various pro-
vinces of the kingdom of Champa. He gave all the necessary
articles for the worship of the god with the servants of
temples, dancers, musicians and all the worship
as before. He re-established the salas, the cells, and the
hermitages in the various provinces of the kingdom of
Champa He constructed the salas, he constructed
he gave to the different temples. He gave
water and food to the different temples to last as long as
eternity. But this is only briefly told. And the good
work which the yuvaraja has made for in the temple
of Sri Vijaya SiiiheSvara.
No. 62.
Myson Stelae Inscription dated 10O3.
The inscription was edited by M. Finot (B. E. F., Vol.
IV, p. 933, No. XII) (For localities cf. No. 4). It is en-
graved on the four faces of a stelae containing respectively
25, 27, 27 and 28 lines. The first 20 lines (in the first face)
are in Sanskrit. The rest is in Cham. The Sanskrit
portion is written throughout in verse with the exception of
1 Sri svasti ' at the commencement. The metres used are :
vv. 1, 2, 4, 5, 6, ^ardulavikrldita ; vv. 3, 7, Sragdhara.
The inscription records the donations of king Hurivarma
and is dated in 1003 ( = 1081 A. D.).
TEXT.
162
II.
III.
V.
VI. ^3J
VII. ^
l V4 t
? 11
1. Read
2. Head
163
TRANSLATION.
(a).
Hail !
I Bow down to Siva.
II. The king called Praleye£vara Dharmaraja of the
family of Nftrikela (cocoanut), who begat an heir, docile to
him, in the family of Kramuka ( betelnut), had a son king
Harivarmadeva who, with a heart filled with devotion to
royal duties, removed the multitude of defects of Champa,
and even in this Kali age, prospered in the world without
decay.
III. He, the protector of Champa, was versed in all
the 6astras like Brhaspati ; valorous in battle like Madhava ;
beautiful like Kama ( Cupid) ; comparable to Indra in the
nuraber of sacrifices successfully performed; learned like
Sambhu ; and skilful in various creations like Brahma. He
excelled in respect of charming words, and the multitude
of good qualities, and his excellent character was incompara-
blt ( to anything).
IV. The good scholars, the artists, men versed in dif-
ferent branches of learning, those who are skilful in dancing,
those who know the use of all arms, all meritorious, wise
and skilful persons, the musicians1 and others, and valorous,
persons, behaved like serpents smitten with fear, and did
not speak out their own qualities in the presence of king
Harivarma, himself a repository of all good qualities.
V. Constantly burning the sensual and other passions
in his heart by good promptings of conscience, and then
1. The original has '^fal^: ' which is unintelligible in the
context but apparently means ' musician'.
164
utterly defeating every day the hosts of enemies by superior
power,1 the intelligent2 king £ri Harivarmadeva prospers by
virtue of his meritorious deeds which attained their excel-
lence as a result of his constant contact with persons pro-
ficient in
VI. King Harivarmadeva gave, out of devotion to
8rl£finabhadre3vara, a golden ko*a decorated with best jewels,
grand, resplendent and verily like the Sun — the latter, how-
ever, does not shine day and night — brilliant with the
sparkling rays of the jewels and adorned with four faces.
VII. In course of time3 having made a ko^a of gold,
more beautiful than the Sun and the Moon, with faces de-
corated by gems of the sea, as if they were lamps for the
regions, — the king, endowed with sublime qualities, being
guided by his superior intelligence, gave it like other kosas
to Sivesanalinga who had as sculptors ' the arms, sky,
atmosphere and the moon' ( I. e. which was made in the year
1002).
(Cham) The temple of Tsanabhadra had been devastated
and taken .................. The Yuvaraja ordered the people
of Simhapura4 ........................ to construct the temples, to
build the houses, to make perpetual sacrifices, to re-erect
the chapels and to re-construct the roads, all as before. He
made .................. without cessation. He gave the following
1. The word 'yadmukhe' is unintelligible. 'yat/ may be
explained as denoting the 'cause' and 'mukhe' may mean 'at first'.
The word may be
2. The original hast ' 3\*<l ' which should be ' ^^ '•
3. The expression ' velfiparyayadhuvlkr is not quite clear
to rue.
4. It mitfht also moan "The YuvanTjn named Simhapura."
icr>
goods viz. male and female servants, the sarira (statue ?)
of Mahesvara, and all other necessary articles, to the god
v^riPanabhadre^vara and made him as prosperous as before.
His Highness applies himself ..................... body, words and
heart.
Fortune ! There was a king called His Majesty Hari-
virmadeva, prince Than ............... yah Vibiiumurti, born in
the betelnut (Kramuka) clan, an eminent race in the
kingdom of Champa. He had the 32 signs as well as grace
and beauty. He was fully endowed with all the qualities
V'is. the knowledge of 64 kalas (arts). He knew and
practised the four expedients viz. conciliation ( sama ), gifts
(dana), discord (bheda) and chastisement (danda). He
possessed the capacity ........................ the intelligence, the
capacity for all enterprises and the rules about what is good
and bad. He maintained all the 18 titles of law and the
uniformity (of procedure ?). He acted like visible Dharma
in this world. He was powerful and merciful towards all
the beings. He made pious works and gave gifts day and
night without cessation. He was skilled in all the weapons
and was heroic and energetic. He has dispersed the hostile
troops in the field of battle as many as twelve times. He
has cut off the heads of kings, generals, chiefs and other men
in the field of battle ..................... nine times. He defeated
the troops of Cambodge at Somesvara and captured the
prince Sri Nandanavarmadeva who commanded the army as
Senapati ( commander-in-chief ). And he has re-established
the edifices and the city of Champa during the troublesome
daj^s of the war. And the city of Champfl and all the edifices
were enriched, as if by nature, and freshly decorated. And
he enjoyed all the royal felicities. Knowing that the god
Srisanabhadresvara is the visible god Paramesvara in the
166
world, and seeing Srl^anabhadresvara despoiled of all his
possessions at the end of the war, he came to worship the
god with a pious heart, and gave him all the booty taken at
SomeSvara and various objects vis. a golden ko£a, decorated
with four faces set with all kinds of jewels. And
he has given an ornament. And he has given a
diadem decorated with jewels, two necklaces, 4 kaml,
2 kalaSa ( pitchers ) of gold, 2 vrah kala.<a ( pitchers ? ) of
gold, 8 vrah kalasa of silver, 4 siwauk , 8 suvauk of
silver, 8 of silver, 8 tapantih of silver, 3 t rainy of
silver, 2 sanraun of silver, 4 p<di,<ja,h of silver, 2 boxes of
silver, 2 von of silver, one mayur (peacock ?) of gold, one
'iuayur (peacock ?) of silver, one har^u of gold, une IcavvaL
of silver, 2 tralai , one pallyah lahguv, one lusun of
sandal wood, one head of sandal wood. And he has given
o
men of different kinds viz about a hundred
male and female servants, oxen, buffaloes, elephants, and
various kinds of goods to the god Srlsanabhadresvara, in
Saka 1002.
And His Majesty Sii Harivarmadeva, yari Madhava-
murti And he saw that the pu lyah Sri
Kajadvara, his eldest son, of illustrious race, had all the
royal marks, complete with the Grahas ( ?), for governing
the kingdom of Champa. Then he ordered virtuous persons
to celebrate tta coronation of pu lyah Sri Bajadvara. They
gave him the name of yah po ku Sri Jaya Indravarrnadeva.
Now, at the time when pu lyan Rajadvara took over the
government of the kingdom, he was only a boy of nine
years. Then the generals and all the soldiers to
Nrl Harivarmadeva The people
ottered the authority to his son Then he practised
of his own accord spiritual exercises (dhyana-yoga) and
worship of Siva. Constantly engaged in these spiritual
167
exercises, he died in £aka 1103.1 Then all the females of
the household, the princesses, the various m6 lyan to the
number of fourteen, followed him to death. Now
the bones remaining persons dead, in the j*ea
Those who this destruction, faithful,
affectionate, lived always doing good works for his sake.
Hail ! There is a yuvaraja named Oh Dhanapati-GrAma.
He went to Cambodge. The king of Cambudge welcomed
him and gave him all kinds of goods. The yuvaraja lived
at Cambodge. The king of Cambodge learnt that the town
Malyaii had revolted. He ordered the yuvaraja to lead the
troops of Oambodge and retake the town on his behalf
all the Huma Padan joined the revolt The
king of Cambodge commanded the yuvaraja to lead the troops
of Cambodge, to take the town and to occupy it on behalf of
the king of Cambodge. The king Suryavarmadeva revolted
against the king of Cambodge. The latter commanded the
yuvaraja to lead the troops of Cambodge and capture the
king. Then the putau AjfiA ku revolted. He conquered
from AmarftvatI as far as Pidhyaii. The king of Cambodge
commanded the yuvaraja to lead the troops of Cambodge
and capture putau Ajiia po ku. He captured him and sent
him to Cambodge according to the desire of the king. The
king (of Cambodge, pleased at) the valour of yuvaraja,
bestowed favours on him and gave him putra
( the title of Rajaputra ? ). Truly the men of ChampA lived
The yuvaraja MahAdharma knowing
that the god Srl^anabhadresvara, who is a portion of god
PararneSvara, grants favours and fulfilment of desires to
people always devoted to the god
1. Read 100J.
168
No. 63.
Myson fragmentary Pillar Inscription
of Paramabodhisatva
dated 1003 S.
For localities cf. No. 4. It contains 19 lines in Sanskrit
verse, but mostly illegible. It begins with an invocation to
god ^rlsanabhadresvara. Then it refers to king Harivarman
who is said to have restored the old glory of Champa. The
inscription then mentions a younger brother of the king
apparently Pu lyan yuvaraja Mahftsenapati referred to in
Nos. 59, 61 and 65 who ascended the throne in 1003 under
the name Paramabodhisatva. The inscription further records
that the yuvaraja installed an image of the god &va and
granted gold, jewels, elephants, buffaloes, oxen, slaves and
clothes to the God.
(B. E. F., Vol. IV, p. 940, No. XIII).
No. 64.
Po-Nagar Temple Inscription of Parama-
bodhisatva, dated 1006 Saka.
We learn from this Cham inscription that Rudravarman
was made prisoner and taken away from the kingdom,
whereupon a long war of sixteen years followed, in course of
which Sri Paramabodhisatva became king and again reunited
Champa. It records the donations made in 1006 ( = 1084
A. D.) to the goddess of Po-Nagar, the tutelary deity of the
kingdom, by the king Sri Paramabodhisatva, his sister (?)
Garbha LaksmI and his eldest son Pulyan £>ri Yuvaraja,
prince vyu, for obtaining glory in this world and religious
merit hereafter. The donations consisted, among other
things, of elephants, a golden crown (mukuta), a necklace
decorated with jewels and various other ornament* and
utensils in gold and silver
169
The inscription incidentally states that during the dark
days that followed the capture of the king, the people of
Champa betook themselves to Panrang where a man set
himself up as king and maintained himself as such for
16 years. But this man was imprisoned with his followers
by Sri Paramabodhisatva who spared their lives but con-
fiscated their property.
J. A. 1891 (1) p. 33, No. U.
No 65.
Myson stone slab inscription of Jaya
Indravarman II dated 1010 P.
The inscription was edited by M. Finot (B. K F., Vol.
IV, p. 946, No. XVI). It is engraved on three faces of a
sand-stone slab containing 92 lines of writing. The language
is Cham.
The first part refers itself to the reign of Paramabodhi-
satva and the second is dated in 1010 Saka during the
reign of Jaya Indravarman, son of Harivarman. The ins-
cription contains an interesting account of the political
history of the time and records the donations of king Sri
Jaya Indravarmadeva to the god Bhadresvara, in 1010
( = 1088 A. D.).
TRANSLATION.
(«)•
Fortune ! There is ( king) His Majesty Sri Jaya Indra-
vannadeva, prince Vak, son of His Majesty Sii Harivarma-
deva, prince Than He reigned about a month.
Then as Sii Jaya Indravarmadeva was very young, did not
know what was good or bad in the government of the
170
kingdom and made everything contrary to the rules of
government, ^rl Jaya Indravarmadeva with all the generals,
Brahmans, astrologers, learned men, masters of ceremonies
and the wives of Sri Harivarmadeva, searched for a prince
to govern the kingdom. Now they found that pu lyaii
Sri Yuvaraja Mahaseuftpati prince P&n, undo of Sri Jaya
Indravarmadeva and younger brother of Sri Harivarma-
deva had all the marks of a Maharaja, according to tho
canon, of ' rajacakravartin' and that he had the know-
ledge of the good and the bad, and possessed a sense of duty,
liberality, truthfulness, and compassion towards all beings
without any partiality, in the government. Sri Jaya Indra-
varmadeva, nephew of pu lyan Sri Yuvaraja Mahasenapati,
with the Bnlhmans, Ksatriyas, Pandits, astrologers, masters
of ceremonies, with all the ladies, carrying one or more
several precious objects (?) and the royal insignia went to
pu lyah Sii Yuvaraja Mahasenftpati and made him king.
Sri Paramabodhisatva ruled properly. And all the wndfmtis
Brahmans, Pandits, astrologers, masters of ceremonies
skilful crave to Sri Paramabodhisatva
o
And His Majesty Sri Paramabodhisatva, possessed of great
virtue, knew the supreme end all the people
in times of distress; all the different kings give
according to the inferior, middle and superior quality. And
Sri Paramabodhisatva gave bounties to the ftennjntis and to
all the people of the country of Champa. And an uninter-
rupted bliss reigned as before. And Sri Jaya Indravarma-
deva prince Vak, nephew of Sri Pararrabodhisatva
riches, comfort and pleasure according to his will. And Sri
Paramabodhisatva governed the kingdom of Champa
And Sri Paramabodhisatva constantly practised Dluvrnm with
all his relations.
171
(b).
Fortune ! There is a king His Majesty Sri Ja\*a Indra-
varmadeva, Paramarnjadhiraja. His birth-place is the
lamvln of Champapura. He belongs to an illustrious family
pure on both the father's and mother's side. Sri Jaya
Indravarmadeva is possessed of 32 signs. He is endowed
with grace, beauty, youth and ability. He is skilful, full of
good qualities, possessed of innate courage, versed in all the
arms, and of great strength. He always disperses the
hostile troops. He knows the supremo, truth and the absolute
reality without egotism. He possesses the calm of heart,
the compassion towards all the creatures, great liberality,
patience and profound intelligence. He impartially pursued
the three objects (trivargga), wealth (artha), virtue
( dharma ) and pleasure ( kdma ), without showing preference
to any. He follows the four expedients viz. conciliation
( Samci ), gifts ( dana ), discord ( bheda ) and bribery ( upa-
2rraddna ) with respect to the enemies, the friends and the
neutrals. He routed the six enemies viz. sensual passions
( kdma ), anger ( krodha ), covetousness ( lobha ), infatuation
( molia ), pride ( tnada ) and malice (matsarya). He knew
the true import of the sixfold measures of the royal policy.
( ^adgunyftbhiprftya )\ He followed the eighteen titles of
law prescribed b}^ Manu ( Mauumargga )J. Even in the Kali
age, he who is a Mahapurusa enjoys the royal power with a
unique quality (guna). Although Kali leads people to error
and pride, he the spiritual exercises ( yoga ),
the meditation ( dhyana ), the concentration ( samadhi ), in
1. Finot takes it iii the sense of * Six good opinions' or
4 six systems of philosophy/ But cf. Katitilya ArthaSEstra Book
VII, Chap. I, entitled ^Wmg^fl:.
2. Finot translates *\v:iys of men7.
172
view of the spiritual merit which results from good or bad
done to others, and from proper and improper acts. He
increased his glory both in this world and in the
other. Sri Jaya Indravarmadeva is full of these qualities
and he enjoyed the royal power. And he knows that the
body and its pleasures are ephemeral. He entirely relies
upon efforts, spiritual exercises, meditation and concentra-
tion. He practises the virtue constantly and thoroughly.
Now this city of Champa was ruined and destroyed
His Majesty Si I Jaya Indravarmadeva yah
Devatamurti has reconstructed the town completely
till she was beautiful and prosperous as before.
He has given a monastery to Sri Iiulralokesvara in the
district (vijaya) of Tranul ; he has given all the revenues to
the o-od. And for all the various divinities, he has dedicated
o
in their temples, gold and silver kosa, and faces and diadems
of gold. He has given men, oxen, buffaloes, with all the
O f5 ' ' '
utensils for the worship of these divinities. And all the
temples of these divinities are prosperous, beautiful, and
honoured as before. People of all the four castes Brahmans,
Kciatriyas, Vaisyas and Siidras are all happy
in the presence of His Majesty Sri Jaya Indravarmadeva
as the lotus and the water-lily in the presence of the Sun
and the moon.
His Majesty Sri Jaya Indravarmadeva, knowing that
the god Bhadresvara is the master of all things visible in
the world has made a golden kosa of six faces, ornamented
with serpents ( nay an ) and decorated with coloured jewels
fixed at sharp points in the diadem. And what is called
TJrddhvako-'a is in magnificent gold, provided with a base
((idhrira ) below, and the jewel Siiryakanti at the top of the
diadem. The face turned to the east has a ruby,
173
at the top of the diadem, and the ornament nagardja. The
faces turned to the north-east and the south-east have a
sapphire in the eye of Naga-raja a^nd at the top of the
diadem. The face turned towards the south has a ruby
at the top of th? diadem. The face turned towards the west
has a topaz at the top of the diadem. The face turned to-
wards the north has a pearl ( ? uttaratna). The golden kosa
has 314 thll 9 drain of gold. The six faces with
the diadems, the nayardja below, and the adhzra Urddhva-
mnkha weigh 136 th-il; in all 450 thei 9 dram. In the year
of the >'aka kintr 1010.
No. 66.
Po Nagar Temple Inscription.
The inscription was edited by M. Bergaigne (Corpus
No. XXXI, p. 279).
The inscription is engraved immediately below No. 60,
and contains 7 lines of writing in Sanskrit verse, the metre
being vv. 1-2, Vasantatilaka, v. 8, Iridravajra and v. 4,
Upajati.
The inscription does nob contain any date or name of
any king, but it is later than No. 60 and may be referred on
palaeographic grounds to the reign of Jaya Indravarman II.
Two of the verses are addressed to the divinity ' celebrated
under the name of yapu-nagara' and two others to another
divinity called ' Sri Maladakuthara.'
TEXT.
^fer I
I.
174
II.
«TT
III.
2(r IT
IV. sfr
TRANSLATION.
Hail !
1. I bow with devotion to thee god, who is praised by
Brahma and other divine beings, and to his divine spouse,
the mother of the three worlds, who is famous under the
name yapunagara, who is auspicious and who grants all the
desires.
2. Be propitious to me, thou, who penetrate into every-
thing pure and impure, but no part of whom, like the sun,
is affected thereby ; and thou, his divine spouse, famous
under the name Yapu Nagara, who art always beneficent
and grant the desire of all who bow down to thee.
3. Bring me happiness, O goddess, who is called Sri
Maladakuthara and who is the spouse of the god, the dust
of whose lotus-like feet appears as jewels on the heads of
gods, divine sages and the Asuras (demons).
175
4. I bow to thee, 0 goddess, called Sri Maladakuthara,
the spouse of the god, who is like a vessel without which
even the gods are drowned in this ocean of the world.
No. 67.
Huong-Que stelae Inscription
dated 1033 S.
The inscription, engraved on two faces of a stelae con-
taining respectively 21 and 25 lines, was found at Huong-Qcfj
to the west of Myson. It is written in Cham and records
the donations of Pu lyaii Sri Jaya Sinha Varman to Siva
called Harinandalingesvara. It is dated in Saka 1033
( = 1111 A. D.). The number is expressed by the figure for
33 preceded by the symbol for 10 which was used thousands
of years ago in the mainland of India.
B. E. F., Vol. XI, p. 13.
No. 68.
Myson stone Inscription of Harivarma-
deva II If dated 1036 Saka.
The inscription was edited by Finot ( B. E. F., Vol. IV,
p. 951, No. XVII). For localities (cf. No. 4). It is engraved
on a block of sand-stone and. contains 8 lines of writing in
Cham. It records a donation made by king Sri Jaya Hari-
varmadeva, nephew of king Sri Jaya Indravarmadeva, to the
god Srlsanabhadresvara in the year 1036 ( = 1114 A. D.).
TRANSLATION.
Hail ! In the £aka year 1036, during the reign of His
Majesty Sri Harivarmadeva, nephew of His Majesty Sri
176
Jaya Indravarmadeva seeing that the god
f§rI3anabha His Majesty £rl Harivarmadeva made
one temple and then another temple. He built a palace for
the god $ri£anabhadre3vara and gave various articles of gold
and silver: (details of gifts follow — but the names of most
of the things are unintelligible).
No. 69.
Myson Pillar Inscription of Jaya Indra-
X
varman III, dated 1062 Saka.
The inscription was edited by Finot (B. E. F., Vol. IV,
p. 953, No. XVIII A). For localities (ct No. 4). It is
engraved on an octagonal pillar and contains 6 lines in
Cham.
It resembles the Po-Nagar Temple inscription (No. 71 )
and describes the career of king Jaya Indravarman III.
TRANSLATION.
He was born in the saka year 102S; he became Devaraja
in 1051 and yuvaraja in 1055 ; he made gifts to god Sacl-
clharma (Buddhism?) in 1060; he became king in 1061 ;
he of the solar race, in 1062 having
erected the Srlsanabhadre^vara.
He was kingUroja; he was the king Bhadra-
varman ; he was Jaya Sirnha varman Ho was thrice
king up to the time of this king Then he was
Indravarman These were his four births as
human beings.
No. 70.
Myson pedestal Inscription
dated 1062 Saka.
It records that prince Dav Veni Laksmi Sinyan, Rupaii
Vijaya, son of Sri Devaraja prince Sundaradeva gave slaves
to the god SrlSanabhadreSvara. The merit of the pious
work belongs to his father (?). It is dated in £aka 1062
( = 1140 A. D.),
B. E.* F., Vol. IV, p. 954-55, No. XIX.
No. 71.
Po-Nagar Temple Inscription of
Jay a Indravarman III,
dated 1065 S.
This chain inscription is engraved in three long lines on
the outer wall of the temple to the right at Po-Nagar. It
is too fragmentary to yield a complete sense. The follow-
ing is a brief extract.
L.I. "King Bhadra Varmft, again king Jaya Simha
Varma enemies expelled
L. 2. 10211 (date of) birth; 1051 (when he is) deva-
raja; 1055 ( when he is) yuvaraja ; 10GO, he gave (or gave
to ) the god Saddharma ; then in 1061 he is king ; in 1062
he gave (or gave to) the god Srlsana (Siva); in 1064 (ha
gave ?) the Siva Liriga and the Srlsana Visnu.
L. 3. Long ago ( ? ) about 1 ,780,500 ( years ago ? ) king
Vicitra Sagara gave the Linga Kauthara. The king gave
the Siva Linga in 1060, The king sapaksah yuge
1. Mistake for 1028 (cf. No. 09).
ITS
as far as the time of Jaya Indravarma
again 1065, the other.
J. A. 1888 ( 1 ) p. 80, No 401.
J. A. 1891 (1) p. 30.
No. 72.
Myson Stelae Inscription of Jaya
Harivarman I.
The inscription was edited by Finot ( B. E. F., Vol. IV,
p. 963, No. XXI ). For localities ( cf. No. 4). It is inscribed
on the three faces of a stelae containing respectively 20, 21
and 9 lines. The language is Chain.
The inscription gives an interesting account of the
career of king Jaya Harivarmadeva and records the erection
of a temple and statues in honour of the god Srlsftnabhadre-
svara.
TRANSLATION.
Hail ! There is the king, His Majesty Sri Jaya Hari-
varmadeva prince Siviinandana, son of His Majesty Sri
Pnrama-Brahmaloka, belonging to Brahma-Ksatriya caste,
and the grandson of His Majesty Sri Rudraloka
murti, the very eminent king. Jaya Harivarman is born of
Paramasundan Devi also known as the queen Jinjyan ; his
personal name was Ratnabhumivijaya. He was a descendant
of Sri Paramabodhisatva, the supreme king ; Jaya Ilari-
varman is very beautiful and endowed with the complete
32 signs according to the Artlia-purana^istra which
has praised it beforehand. Jaya Harivarman is skilful and
experienced in the knowledge of G4 kcda*, viz., the (irammar
etc., up to the knowledge of the supreme truth. Jaya
179
Ilarivarman has great strength ; he is skilful in the appli-
cation of all the arms, heroic, and proud. He dispersed the
hosts of enemies in all the battlefields. When Jaya Hari-
varman went to the southern country, the king of Cambodge
commanded the general Sankara, the foremost among his
generals, to go with the troops of the district ( Pramaua ) of
Sipakhya and fight in the plain of Rajapura. Jaya Hari-
varman fought against general Sankara, and all the other
Cambodian generals with their troops. They died
in the field of battle in the Pramana of Tliu The
king of Cambodge sent an army thousand times stronger
than the previous one to fight in the plain of Virapura.
Jaya Harivarman completely defeated the Cambodian troops
The king of Cambodge consecrated as king
the Ksatriya prince Harideva, his brother-in-law, the
younger brother of his first queen ; and he commanded vari-
ous generals to lead the Cambodian troops and protect the
prince Harideva until he became king in the city of Vijaya.
Jaya Harivaiman returned to Vijaya. The two parties
fought in the plain of Mali! 'a. Jaya Harivarman destroyed
the king with all his Cham and Cambodian generals and
the Cham and Cambodian troops; they all perished
Jaya JIarivarman reigned as supreme king from this time.
Tho king of Cambodge learnt thot the prince Harideva,
his broth ir-in-law, had perished with all his troops and
generals by the prowess of JajTa Harivarman.
Then the neighbourhood of Vijaya
The king the kings of Kiratas, the
plain, the forest of south, the village of Slay as far as the
forest Vatta (?) fight. Jaya Harivarman defeated
the army of the Kiratas. The Kirata kings proclaimed his
brother-in-law Van^araja, brother of his wife, as king in the
180
city of Madhyaraagrftma Jaya Harivarman led
his army, defeated VanSarftja, captured the Kirata army,
and defeated them all The king of Yavana8,
learning that the king of Cambodge had created difficulties
in the way of Jaya Harivarman proclaimed
VaiiSaraja, a citizen of Champa, as king; he gave him several
Yavana generals together with hundred thousand valorous
Yavcma soldiers the plain of Dal™ and the plain
nVht. Then Jaya Harivarman conducted all the
troops of Vijaya The two parties were engaged
in a terrible combat. Jaya Harivarman dbfeated Vansaraja
with all the Large number of \\wantt troops
lay dead on the field. Jaya Harivarman took booty and
gave it to the temples of Sudan and Son, and lie gave the
Cham servants Jaya Harivarman installed a lihga
on the Mahlsaparvata, the yah Tdah. He gave the northern
Temple to his father Sri Parama Brahmaloka. He gave to
his mother, the queen Jifi.jyaii, the temple He
gave the statues to these S<Wt mx. Beaules, formerly Jaya
Harivarman made a vow to the god SrIsAnabhadre?yara to
give him a temple on the Yugvan mount because Sri«ana-
bhadresvara In conformity with that vow he
has installed these statues on the mount Vugvan
Srl^ An ftbhadre? vura.
No. 73.
Myson Pillar Inscription of Jaya
Harivarman I.
The inscription was edited by M. Finot ( F>. E. F., Vol.
IV, p. 9G6, No. XXII A ). For localities ( cf . No. 4). It is
engraved on a pillar and contains I) lines of writing, lines 1-5
O A
181
being in Sanskrit, and lines 5-9 in Cham. The Sanskrit
portion is written throughout in verse with the exception of
the invocation at the beginning. There are altogether 4
verses, the metre being v. 1, Indravajra; vv. 2, 4, Sragdharft;
and v. 3, Up?ijati.
The inscription records the donations of king Sri Hari-
varmadeva to the temple of Srlsanabhadre^vara.
T E X T .
I.
II.
III.
IV.
IM rT^ •
1. Rend
2. Road ' *6 '•
TRANSLATION.
1. Hail, the poetry of the king of kings.
Let all bow down to him, the destroyer, who embodied
the entire world in himself, and permeated everything, as
he thought that the performance of sacrifice will be difficult
for the men of the world who desire it, should he remain far
away from them.
2. At first, the daughter of the king of Mountains, who
was the second ( i. e partner or spouse) of Siva, and yet
second to none ( /'. e. incomparable ), had only one body with
Gaurindra (i. /?. Siva). Then site was separated by Bhima
(Siva) from his body; but again she was embraced by
Sarikara for pleasure Let- the Lord of Parvati, who en-
gendered this world by union with her, faithfully adore,
from fear ae it were, by his words, and in his mind, that
goddess who is worthy of being adored with joy by Siva
( or object of adoration to Sivananda, the name of king
HarivarmA ).
3. The temple of Srl<anubhadre.-;varn. the Sun ( -i *. the
best) of the temples, formerly made by Uroja, was destroyed
by the enemies. Having killed those destroyers in the
battle I, an incarnation of Uroja, have built it again.
4. The illustrious Uroja, having installed Srl^ana-
bhadreSvara of unbounded jo}', and having marked the high
summit of the Vugvan mountain as the imperishable abode
of the grds, disappeared. I, another Uroja, have restored
the very beautiful temple of that god that was destroyed,
and have installed IVa on the mount Vugvan according to an
old vow.
[Cham] Seeing that the supreme god had been
plundered with all his temples, and had suffered outrages in
183
the hands of a powerful enemy, I, the king Sri Harivarma-
deva, prince Sivanandana, son of king Sri Parama- Brahma-
loka, have re-established the temple in its old beauty. And
I have given all the necessary things to this god. And all
the kings reigning in future in the kingdom of Champa who
would be devoted to the god in mind and deed (lit. external-
ly and internally ) would surely enjoy his favour both in
this world and in the next ; therefore, I, the king Sri Hari-
varmadeva, prince SivAnandana, have been pious towards
the god and full of faith in all circumstances.
No. 74.
Myson Stelae Inscription of Jaya Hari-
varman I, dated 1079 S.
The inscription was edited by Finot (B. E. F., Vol. IV,
p. 955, No. XX). For localities (cf. No. 4). It was engraved
on the 3 faces of a stelae containing respectively 19, 24 and
25 lines. The first 41 lines are in Sanskrit and the rest is
in Chain. The Sanskrit portion contains 34 verses and
three prose pieces in addition to the word ' svaxti' at the
beginning. The metres used are: A. vv. 1-3, 11, 15, Sloka;
vv. 4-10, Indravajrfi; v. 12, Vasant&tilaka ; vv. 13-14,
B. vv. 1-7, IndravajrA; v. 8, Aryii ; vv. 9-18, Sloka;
v. 19, UjajAti.
The inscription records the donations of king Sri Jay*
Hftrivarrnadeva to the god Sri Hari vanned vara.
TEXT.
(a).
I.
IL
III. f«i ^4 1*1 m i^
IV.
V. ^ffrrar:
VII. qfrn£r;
1*4
V
1. Read
VI.
: I
VIII.
^ft il^MI II
IX.
185
X.
XI. T?ff
XII.
XI 11.
^j I <=t*
XIV.
'
XV. *rr
r: H
r^j-
I-
II. ------ ^Kinn^ --- I
---- ^f^t:f^\r<!^^t| ?4+l*\ ^TfU I
.
1. Koad
2. Head
186
IV.
V.
VI. Jjr
VII.
VIII.
IX. ^^
X.
RTTT
rT H
: li
grr
XV. I
XI.
<£«I<J«ICT:
XII. m srr^ ?jl:*«roRC «rerf
• fNP • ^^
STC^T fjvr«4HiH, ^»+^r Tn^ra' ^^npT^ 11
XIII. ^
: n
TRANSLATION.
(a).
Hail !
u
fttNr ^vjnr^TM^ vri u
XVI. ^rsir ^€rr f^rqr4?^r <T3rr^ ^^^m^r i
?*ff^rre?T£rr 5[^[!:<55Tjrs^i ^rtn ^rd^^riJ^sr^r u
XVII.
XVIII.
XI X.
1. Homage to biva, the lire from whose eyes consumed
the Cupid whose exploits were terrific and marvellous.
2. The prince Sivanandana, son of king Brahmaloka,
husband of the queen Nai Jiimyan, was king .........
1. Read^W. 2. Read
188
3. From the point of view of knowledge, intelligence,
work, beauty, eloquence and mental powers, the king is the
foremost of kings, like his father.
4. In him the kings beginning with Uroja became
incarnate in their parts, according to their own desire. Aja
(god Brahma), wishing for rest, gave his own prowess to
those four kings for protecting the world.
5. Glory and knowledge, which are by nature liable to
move from place to place by means of a multitude of rapid
words (i. e. popular reports), are dearer unto this impartial
king than the immovable earth, although they are inconstant
in the case of all others.
6. His beauty, very auspicious through its excellence,
could be inferred only from the statement that since his
birth, he, not Kama, is the standard of comparison for the
beauty of youth.
7. Glory, although inconstant and desirous of moving
to others' place, was his clever spouse for a long time. His
enemies were unable to gain her, out of fear or out of regard
for his terrible fame achieved in the past.1
8. Triumphant over the unconquered Moon2 by his
beauty, his shining glory went in all directions in order to
surpass (lit. conquer) the glories of Rama and Krsna, iirinly
established in all directions.
9. The multitude of the heads of his enemies, cut off
by his sword in a great battle and scattered in the fcky,
appeared like the scattered heads of Rahu, the enemy of the
1. The word 'tayaiva* is inexplicable. It may be a mistake
for *tathaiva*. The words 4gatut; and 4°gatadhikITnksyn' are also
difficult to construe.
2. WlftssTO (sffisrl or
189
Moon, who is the morsel of food of the chief gods dwelling
in the Meru.
10. Even the powerful Kali was unable to destroy the
royal power of that ocean of strength, as the portentous
whirlwind is unable to extinguish the light of a jewel-lamp.
11. The Cupid being destroyed by &va, Rati became
devoid of pleasure ; but she would not have become so if she
had seen the king, for then she would have certainly
thought " This is my beloved."
12. Dividing his essence, under the form of four
Ramas riz. Rama and his three younger brothers, Visnu had
four bodies each endowed with inferior qualities. This king
is however unique Visnu with a complete body; he is modest
and the foremost of men who are the repositories of quali-
ties.
13. It appears as if the king, who is cleverer than the
husband of Sri, announced himself as the suitor for the
hands of Sri as everybody could infer from the following
qualities of the king viz. the intelligence of Mahadeva, tha
creative power of Brahma, the eloquence of Bihaspati, the
mercy of Buddha, and the beauty of Cupid, the son of
Visnu.1
14. " To what heaven are you taking us, O Lord !"
said the descendants of the Ksatriyas when he, who has the
form of Vibhu, gladly and with calm composure, made them gifts
of wealth, jewels, lordly elephants, slaves and other rewards,
after having, in each battle, despatched, by the power of
his terrible arm, to the abode of Vibhu ( i. e. killed ), the
enemy kings.2
1. The words 4^<6! ' and 4 3^fa; ' are not intelligible,
2. It is difficult to construe '
190
15. The king resembles the sun in point of purity
and power ; both are foremost among the valorous ones, and
shine with splendid lustre in piercing darkness ; and while
the king is resorted to by the chastened enemies ( Ucchista-
dvisat ) the sun is resorted to by fire ( ucchista-dvisat the
destroyer of refuse of matter ).
Sixty-four arts.
4. By the foremost among those who were overpower-
ed by his prowess the kings who desire prosperity
must respect and honour him in their kingdoms.
5. The enemies, heroic, valiant and very fierce though
they are in battles, alwa}rs fly away at the approach of that
powerful king, like snakes before Garuda.
6. As the beauty of the lotus proceeds from the power-
ful sun, so the varied riches of the men verily proceed from
that powerful king.
7. The kings who submit to and wait upon him, who
is dear to his friends, are protected from enemy kings, as
the Saivas who take refuge in Siva are delivered from the
ocean of existence.
Even the best of noble lords, who were themselves
waited upon with folded hands by hosts of cheerless enemy
kings, and the fine ornaments of whose fingers were illu-
mined by the splendour of the jewel called padmaraga, were
struck dumb with astonishment by thinking of the beautiful
moon-like face of the king and lord of the earth HarivarmA,
and of the riches that were exacted by him from hosts of
kings.
191
8. The king Harivarm&, possessed of supreme glory,
installed the god Harivarrnesvara in the year denoted by
1 vila-Saila-kha-SaSaiika' (1070).
Thus on the strength of the evidence of Puriinartha one
can infer that ' The king Sri Ja}ra Harivarma is Uroja
himself/
9. Born of a beautiful woman in the Ksatriya family,
son of a consecrated king, he. the lord, was the most
o ' ' '
precious jewel of his village, as Kanstubha is on the breast of
Hari.
10. Ht^ had no younger brother. Lord of the world
by his high birth, he enjoyed pure happiness, a sign of the
prosperity of Champa.
11. At first, having quitted his ovrn country, he spent a
long time in foreign lands amid joys and sorrows. Then he
came back to Champa.
12. To the east of the temple of Guhesvara, on the
river ' Yarn!' close to Gatyagati,1 he defeated and killed the
king and took possession of the throne.
13. In accordance with his former vows he first des-
troyed the soldiers of Cambodge and Yavana, and then re-
erected the temple of Siva which they had destroyed.
14. Having obtained sovereignty, he took possession.
of the land of Kambu out of compassion and tested the
strength of her army.
15. In conformity to a previous vow, he installed, for
obtaining success, a Siva on the mountain called Vugvan,
which was his own, being marked in a previous birth.
1. Hubor explains 4 Gatyagati ' as * where sho (river Yn'mr)
appronches and moves away from the temple.' It is probably the
name of a place,
16. Under his rule flourished all the gods, as well as
the people, in abundant riches ; the earth prospered in a fair
share of rain, and the city of Champa did thrive as if the
Golden Age come back to it.
17. Uroja is popularly accepted to be the same as
Sivftnandana and this is confirmed by Puranartha, which is
looked upon as a mine (lit. mountain) of useful information
in this world.
18. Four times I have been incarnated as Uroja; lest I
be not born again, I le-install this Siva in fulfilment of the
promise I made before.
19. The god of gods M'l^anabhadresvara, and the god
of gods established on the Vugvan mountain, — both will be
enriched by that king who is a portion of myself longing for
the glory of a Saiva.
Such is the PuranTirtha, description of Uroja, which the
world must know.
Here ( is a list of ) the plots of ground ( sthAna ) and
the fields of the kingdom of Champa which the king Sri
Jaya Harivarmadeva gives to the god Sri Harivarmesvara
( list follows ).
No. 75.
Batau Tablah Inscription of Jaya Hari-
varman If dated 1082 S.
This Sanskrit inscription is engraved on a granite boulder
called Batau Tablah which is lying in the fields near the
village of Ram in the southern portion of the valley of
Panrang. This superb monument contains 17 linen of
writing in large and beautiful characters and gives an
interesting account of the chief events of the reio-n of king
Sri Jaya Harivarmadeva, son of Sri Jaya Rudravarmadeva,
who belonged to Ksatriya family on both his father's and
mother's side. The events are arranged under different
dates of the saka era :
S. 1069 — Sii Jaya Rudravarman, an incarnation of
Visnu, died at Panduraiiga, and the people of this town in-
vited Harivarma to be the king of Champa.
S. 1069 — Large bodies of troops from Cambodge and
Vijaya attacked the king at Chaklyan (probably the Village
of Chakling close to the findspot of this inscription).
S. 1070 — Large bodies of troops from Cambodge and
Vijaya attacked the king in the plain of Vlrapura at the
field of Kayev. Fortunately, the king, possessed of heroism
without comparison, defeated them in the twinkling of an
eye.
S. 1071 — King Harivarma vanquished Harideva whom
the king of Cambodge placed in charge of Champa, and
defeated the troops of Cambodge and Vijaya in the plain of
Main.
The king was consecrated to the throne with due cere-
monials and defeated an Annamite army sent against him.
S. 1073— -Some battles (details lost).
S. 1077 — The troops of Pfinduranga did some thing (de-
tails lost ).
S. 1082 — Some battles (details lost). The king made
some donations to the god Jaya Harilihge^vara.
J. A. 1888(1) p. 83, No. 395.
J. A. 1891 (l)pp. 38 if.
[The dates as originally read by Aymonier have been
corrected by M. Finot (B. E. F,, Vol. XV, No. 2, p. 50)].
194
No. 76.
Po-Nagar Temple Inscription of Jaya
Harivarman I, dated 1082 S.
The Sanskrit portion was edited by Bergaigne (Corpus
No. XXXII, p. 282 ) and the Cham portion by Ayrnonier
(J. A. 1891, part I, p. 41). The date previously read as
1092, was corrected by Finot ( B. E. F., Vol. XV, No. 2, p.
50, fn. 1 ).
The inscription is engraved on the right-hand door-
pillar of the temple to the left at Po-Nagar. It contains
8 lines of writing, the first two and a part of the third being
in Sanskrit and the rest in Cham. The Sanskrit portion
consists of one verse in Vasanta-tilakfi and is merely an
is
invocation to the goddess of Yapu Nagara. The Cham
portion records the victory of king Sri Jaya Harivarman,
prince Sivanandana, son of king vSri Jaya Kudravarman.
The king is said to have triumphed over all his enemies, to
wit: the Cambodgians, the Annamites, the people of Vijaya,
AmaravatI and all the countries of the north; the countries
of the south and Pfinduran^a, the regions of the wast and
the Rade, the Mada and other barbarous tribes. The king
being thus constantly victorious, mude many gifts to the
goddess of the kingdom in 1082 suka ^ = 1100 A. ]).),
T EXT.
195
TRANSLATION.
After tasting the pleasures of sovereignty extending
over the entire surface of the land as far as the sea, and
looking forward to the pleasures of sovereignty over gods in
heaven, he first of all honoured the goddess called Yapu-
nagara by giving her great riches.
No. 77.
47 Hoa-mi fragmentary rock Inscription
of Jaya Harivarman I.
The inscription is engraved on a rock at Hoa-mi in the
district of Quang-Nam. The inscription records the victories
of Harivarman against the Khmers and the Annamites.
( J. A. 1896, part I, pp. 148-149).
No. 78.
44 Myson Temple Inscription.
This fragmentary inscription in Temple A, at Myson,
records that it was restored by king Vijaya Sri Harivarma-
deva.
B. E. F., Vol. IV, p. 977, No. XXVL
No. 79.
Myson Temple Inscription of Jaya Indra-
varman IV, dated 1085 S.
The inscription was edited by M. Finot ( B. E. F., Vol.
IV, p. 969, No. XXIII). For localities (cf. No. 4). It is
engraved on a pillar in the temple and contains 19 lines.
196
The language is Sanskrit and the inscription is written
throughout in verse. There are altogether six stanzas, the
metre being vv. 1, 3-6, Indravajra and v. 2, Vamsastha.
The inscription records the donations of king Sri Jaya
Indravarman of Grainapura to the god £rlsanabhadre3vara
in the year 1085 ( = 1163 A. D.).
TEXT.
I.
II.
III.
IV.
V.
SJ g^rf^r
1. Read W3*. 2. Head
3. Read^fl:- 4. Read
197
VI. <Jc*»Hl»)l cf5T
TRANSLATION.
1. Pu ciy Anak £ri Jaya Indravarma, of Gramapura,
has given this, like a bejewelled peak, to the god of gods,
Sri^anabhadresvara in the year denoted by ' arrow-eight-eky-
moon ' i. e. 1085.
2. That godly king being elevated to the position of
over-lord, Brahma ( Hiranya-garbba ) was no longer the
lord of creation. The king then made himself such a
hiranya-garbha1 (i. e. one filled with gold) by mBans of his
brilliant valour, and was on that account praised by the
honest men.
3. The five-faced god was unable to give his blessings to
the king in all the ten directions (on account of the wisdom
of the great king ?) ; so for protecting the king he has again,
to-day, put on five faces ( thus making ten in total ).
4. Sarvva, who is worthy of praise, has a great store of
words, as is apparent from his ( five ) great and visible faces.
But although presented with a golden kosa he remains dumb
before its unique splendour, not having anything to give
which equals in splendour the thing that was given to him.
5. In order to sing simultaneously the glories of the
king's five-fold virtues viz. mercy, fame, merit, beauty and
strength, MaheSa has assumed five faces as well as five ko^as
(coverings or vocabularies).2
1. Hence the contradiction.
2. * Pafu'a satkoSanam ' is taken in a collective sense. The
proper from would be ' satkosunapaiicakam.'
198
6. 232 golden panas, 82precious sfcones, 67 groups of
pearls, and 200 patiae of silver have been given for the
ko£a.
No. 80.
Po-Nagar Temple inscription of Jaya
Indravarman IV, dated 1089 S.
It records the donations to the goddess Bhagavati
Kauthflresvari made in 1089 Saka ( = 1167 A. D.) by king
Jaya Indravarmadeva ( Gr&mapura vijaya ), the queens,
ParameSvari and Raya, princess BhagyavatI, daughter of
the king, princess Sumitra, princess Sudakriinft and Man si
ai Gramapura vijaya. The donations consisted of various
ornaments and utensils of gold and silver including a ruidcuta
(crown) and a kalasa ( pitcher ) in gold, sandal-wood etc.
Part of thess donations was made when the kinjj went to
o
conquer Cambodge.
J. A. 1891 (1) pp. 44-45.
B. E. F.t Vol. XV, No. 2, p. 50.
No. 81.
Myson Stelae Inscription of Jaya Indra-
varman IV, dated 1092 S.
The inscription was edited by M. Finot ( B. E. F., Vol.
IV, p. 970, No. XXIV; also cf. B. E. F., Vol. XV, No. 2,
p. 50 ). ( For localities cf. No. 4 ) : It iw engraved on a
single face oi' a stelae and contains 21 lines besides the invo-
cation. The language is Charn.
The inscription records the donations of king Sri Jaya
Indravarman of Gramapura vijaya to the god Srl'anabhadre-
199
6vara, and the installation of various images by the same
king.
TRANSLATION.
Salutation to Siva.
There is a king Sri Jaya Indravarmadeva, belonging to
a famous place known as Gramapuravijaya. The king
reigned at first for the good of the world. He possesses
large army (prthuvala) and is proud of his heroism ; he is
skilful in the use of all arms ; victorious over all enemies in
battles; versed in all the sastras, viz. Grammar, Astrology
etc., and learned in all the philosophical doctrines c. n. the
doctrine of Mahayana. He possesses exceptional beauty and
charm ; he is energetic in the protection of all creatures, and
skilful in the application of the four means viz. c< nciliation,
liberality, dissensions and chastisement. Versed in all the
Dharma^astras, notably the Naradlya and Bharggavlya, he
takes pleasure in Dharma, and makes gifts to all people.
The prince installed Buddha Lokesvara, Jaya Indra-
loke^vara and BhagavatI Sri Jaya Indresvarl in the district
of Bnddhalok'i, and BhagavatI Sri Indra-Gaurisvarl in that
of h: I Vinfiyaka.
The Prince knowing that Sri^inabliadresvara, who is
a portion of Siva, always grants, in all the worlds, his
favour to the pious men according to their desire, has given,
at different times, all the riches and all the necessary
articles to Siisanabhadre^vara, for the sake of increasing
his merit.
In the first place he has given a golden ko^a, weighing
137 thil with an alloy of 200 thil of silver, decorated with all
the jewels, such as dhuni and sapphire, in the Saka year
1085.
200
Then he has constructed an antaryrha with sandal-wood
weighing 2 bhara, 9 tul ; the amount of silver applied in
the decoration of this antargrha weighed 1096 thil and the
gold coating of the summit of the antargrha weighed 26 thei.
A Crandn was constructed the four golden nftgas
decorating the cranari contained 30 thci (of gold) and 17 thil
of silver. A tangau of silver 495 thil with a
gem called Siiryakanti (?) at the top. All these have been
given in £aka 1086.
Then, in 6aka 1087 he has given a sanrauii of gold
weighing 17 thil, a golden vessel weighing 24 thei with an
alloy of 26 thei of silver; a golden pitcher of 8 thei; a bale of
gold of 2 thil; a srumvil of gold of 45 thci with an alloy
of 99 thil of silver a nagapattra coated with golden
plate ( ? ).
Besides, in saka 10S9 he has given a tralay of gold
weighing 294 thei; a hluk of gold of 100 thei.
In £aka 1090 he has given large elephants, male and
female slaves etc.
In saka 1092 he has decorated the temple of Srl?ana-
bhadreSvara with 10 bhara 3 tul, 5 kfir 17 thc.l of silver; and
he has applied 82 thei of gold for coating all the pinnacles of
the temple with gold.
The king has given all thebc things, being wholly de-
voted, in mind, body and speech.
No. 82.
33 An Thuan stelae Inscription of
Jaya Indravarman IV.
This Cham inscription, engraved on two faces of a
stelae at An Thuan (cf. No. 83 below), contains 20 lines of
201
writing. They record oaths of allegiance made by three
dignitaries to the king £ri Jaya Indravarmma Deva. The
three dignitaries are named Taval Vlra Simha On Vayak,
Taval Suradhika Varma on ja and (Taval) Vikranta
Simha On Dhun. The oaths contain, among other promises,
riot fully intelligible, ar undertaking to the effect, that the
chiefs and their children will fight for their lord in case of
war, as long as they live.
J. A. 1888(1) p. 88, No. 424.
J. A. 1891 ( 1 ) p. 46, No. 424.
No. 83.
An rhuan Stelae Inscription of Jaya
Indravarman IV.
The Sanskrit portion of the inscription was edited by
M. Bergaigne (Corpus No. XXXIII, p. 286) and the Cham
portion by Aymcmier ( J. A. 1891 [1] pp. 45-46).
The inscription is engraved on the two faces of a stelae
found at An Thuan in the district of Binh Dinh. In addi-
tion to syllable om there are two lines in Sanskrit on one
face and three lines in Cham on the other face. The Sans-
krit portion contains a verse in Indravajra. The text shows
already the beginning of the effect of barbarian influence on
Sanskrit.
The Sanskrit portion contains an invocation to Siva.
The Chain portion refers to the gifts of slaves and goods
made by king Sii Jaya Indravarmadova of Graiuapura to
the goddess of the kingdom (pu Nagara ).
202
TEXT.
TRANSLATION.
Hail ! magnificent is the king by nature ! Hail !
powerful are the images of Siva and IT mil; Hail ! all my
subjects and slaves, may you be protected by Siva and Uma,
whose protection is ever sought by mankind,
No. 84.
Myson Pillar Inscription dated 1125 S.
The inscription was edited by M. Finot ( B. E. F., Vol.
IV, p. 970, No. XXIV, B., C.). It was engraved on two
faces of the same pillar which contains No. 81, and contains
38 lines of writing besides the invocation. The language is
Cham.
The inscription consists of two parts. The first refers
to king Suryavarman, and the second to a yuvaraja named
Managahna oh Dhanarati. But the two parts are written
consecutively and form one single narrative, viz., the fight
against Cambodge. The object of the inscription is to record
the installation of an image of $iva by the yuvaraja in £
1125 ( = 1203 A. D.).
1. Head '
i>. Road '
203
TRANSLATION.
Salutation to Siva,
*
There is a king, Sii Siiryavarmatleva, prince Sii Vidya-
nandana, of Tumprauk-vijaya. The king practised the
Mahayana dharnm following the instructions of true know-
ledge. In his early youth, in the £aka year denoted by
' sea-sky-moon-moon ' i. e. 1104, he went to Cambodge. The
king of Cambodge ,seeing him possessed of all the 33 marks,
received him favourably nml taught him, like a prince, all
the various branches of knowledge, and instructed him in
various branches of military science. During his stay at
Cambodge, a dependent town of Cambodge called Malyari,
inhabited by a multitude of bad men, revolted against tha
king of Cambodge. The latter seeing the prince well versed
in arm*', ordered him to lead the Camboogian troops and
take the town of Malyan. He did all that the king of
Cambodge desired. The latter, pleased at his valour, confer-
red on him the dignity of yuvaraja, and gave him all the
pleasures and the good things which could be found in the
kingdom of Cambodgr*.
In saka ' two moon-moon-moon ' (1112) the king Sri
Java Indravarmadeva on Vatuv made war against the king
of Cambodge. The latter sent the prince at the head of
Cambodgian troops in order to takft Vijaya and defeat the
king Jnya Indravarman oh Vatuv. He captured the king
and had him conducted to Cambodge by the Cambodgian
troops. He proclaimed Surya Jayavarmadeva prince In,
brother-in-law of the king of Cambodge, as king of tho
city of Vijaya. Then he returned and reigned at Rajapnra
in Panran. During his reign at Rfxjapura a number of
pirates revolted against him. He fou^it with them, drove
them back and defeated them all.
204
£ri Suryavarman, prince In, who had been proclaimed
king in the kingdom of Vijaya, was driven away by prince
Rasupati and returned to Cambodge. The prince Rasupati
reigned in the kingdom of Vijaya under the name of Sri
Jaya Indravarmadeva.
In £aka * sea-moon-moon-moon ' i.e. 1114, the king of
Cambodge sent the Cambodgian generals with Sri Ja}Ta
Indravarman on Vatnv. He met the prince at Rajapura.
The prince led the Cambodgian troops with Jaya Indra-
varman; he took Vijaya, defeated and killed Jaya Indra-
varman cei Rasupati and ruled over Vijaya. The same
year Jaya Indravarman on Vatuv fled from the Cambodgians
and went to Amaravati. He revolted and raised troops in
different districts at Amarftvati, Ulik, Vvyar, Jriy arid
Traik. He went to take Vijaya. The prince led the troops
and pursued ( ? ) Jaya Indravarman on Vatuv as far as Yflii
Bharuv-Vijaya ; he gave him battle, vanquished him, com-
pelled him to fall back on Traik, and there captured him
and put him to death. Henceforth the prince ruled without
opposition.
In £aka 'five-moon-moon-moon' i.e. 1115, the Cam-
bodgians the dwellings, took seven took
eight The prince fought with the Cambodgians
and vanquished them.
In saka 'six-moon-moon-moon' i. e. 1116, the king of
Cambodge sent a large number of Cambodgian generals,
with all sorts of